When printing with movable type was invented by Johannes

Gutenberg in 1456, only 33 languages had any part of the Bible.

Even when the Bible society movement began some two centuries

ago, parts of the Scriptures had been rendered into only 67 lan-

guages. During the 19th century, however, more than 400 lan-

guages received some part of the Scriptures, and within the first

half of the 20th century some part of the Bible was published in

more than 500 languages. This rapid increase in the preparation

of many versions of the Bible is due to the role played by the Bible

societies, by Wycliffe Bible Translators, and similar organiza-

tions. At the close of 1991, the entire Bible had been made avail-

able in 318 languages and dialects, and portions of the Bible in

1,946 languages and dialects. Because many of these languages

are used by great numbers of people, it is estimated that today four

out of five people in the world, or 80 percent, have at least one book

of the Bible in their mother tongue.²

The history of the translation of the Bible can be divided into

four major periods. The first period includes the efforts to trans-

late the Scriptures into the dominant languages of the ancient

world. The second important period of Bible translating was re-

lated to the Reformation, when renderings were no longer made

from the Latin Vulgate but from the original Hebrew and Greek

into the vernaculars of Europe. The third period may be called the

great "missionary endeavor," when pioneer translators under-

took the preparation of renderings into the hundreds of languages

in which there was often not even an alphabet before these men

and women undertook to reduce such languages to written form.

Such work is still going on, while a fourth period has already be-

gun. This is characterized primarily by translations being pro-

duced in the newly developing nations, not by missionaries but by,

trained nationals of these countries. Properly trained people can

always translate much more effectively into their own mother

tongue than into a foreign language.

This article traces the early history of the process of translat-

ing the Hebrew and Greek Scriptures into other languages.

 

ANCIENT VERSIONS OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

                  MADE FOR THE USE OF JEWS

 

THE SEPTUAGINT

      The first translation of the Scriptures into another language

is the Greek Septuagint, dating from the third and second cen-

 

² The Book of a Thousand Tongues, 2d ed. (New York: United Bible Societies,

1972), viii.

                                        Important Early Translations of the Bible         37

 

turies B.C. Not only is it the oldest, but it is also one of the most

valuable of the translations from antiquity. Whether one consid-

ers its fidelity to the original, its influence over the Jews for

whom it was prepared, its relationship to the New Testament

Greek, or its place in the Christian church, it stands preeminent

in the light it casts on the study of the Scriptures.

The story of the origin of this version is given in a document

of uncertain date called the Letter of Aristeas.³ This letter pur-

ports to be a contemporary record by a certain Aristeas, an official

at the court of Ptolemy II Philadelphus (285-246 B.C.), who claims

to have personal knowledge as an eyewitness of the following

details. Ptolemy wished to include in the royal library at

Alexandria copies of all the books known to the world. On the

suggestion of his librarian, Demetrius of Phalerum, that the laws

of the Jews (presumably, the Pentateuch) deserved a place in the

library, the king ordered that a letter be written to Eleazar, the

Jewish high priest in Jerusalem, requesting that he send six el-

ders from each of the 12 tribes who were well versed in the Jewish

Law and able to translate it into Greek (§§ 9-11 and 28-34).

Arriving in Alexandria, the 72 translators were conducted to

a restful spot on the island of Pharos, where every provision was

made for their needs in well-appointed quarters. So they set to

work; as they completed their several tasks, they would reach an

agreement on each by comparing versions. Whatever was

agreed upon was suitably copied out under the direction of

Demetrius (§ 302). By happy coincidence the task of translation

was completed in 72 days (§ 307). The work was done in such a

way that the entire Jewish community of Alexandria accepted the

translation as an accurate rendering (§ 310). A curse was in-

voked on any who would alter the rendering by any addition,

transposition, or deletion (§ 311).

Most scholars who have analyzed the letter have concluded

that the author of this story cannot have been the man he repre-

sented himself to be, but was a Jew who wrote a fictitious account

in order to enhance the importance of the Hebrew Scriptures by

suggesting that a pagan king had recognized their significance

and therefore arranged for their translation into Greek. The real

reason for undertaking the work, it is now generally agreed,

 

³ This letter has survived in 23 manuscripts, which have been collated by Andr6

Pelletier, S.J., for the series "Sources chr6tien.nes" (Paris: Editions du Cerf, 1962). 

The most recent English translation is by R. J. H. Shutt in The Old Testament

Pseudepigrapha, vol. 2, ed. J. H. Charlesworth (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1985),

7-34. For a full discussion of problems connected with the letter, see Moses Hadas,

Aristeas to Philocrates (Letter of Aristeas) (New York: Harper, 1951) and Sidney

Jellicoe, The Septuagint and Modern Study (Oxford: Oxford University Press,

1968).

38                BIBLIOTHECA SACRA / January-March 1993

 

arose from the liturgical and educational needs of the large Jew-

ish community in Alexandria, many of whom had forgotten their

Hebrew or let it grow rusty and spoke only the common Greek of

the Mediterranean world. But they remained Jews and wanted to

understand the ancient Scriptures, on which their faith and life

depended. This, then, was the real reason for making the Greek

Septuagint, the first translation of the Hebrew Scriptures.

From internal considerations the date of the letter may be as-

signed to about 150-100 B.C. It was known to Josephus, who para-

phrased portions in his Antiquities of the Jews (12.12-118).

Philo's account of the origin of the Septuagint (On Moses, 2.25-44)

reproduces certain features of Aristeas, but there are also diver-

gences. For example Aristeas (§ 302) represents the translators

as comparing their work as they wrote it and producing an

agreed-on version, whereas according to Philo each of the trans-

lators, working under divine inspiration, arrived at identical

phraseology as though dictated by an invisible prompter.

In the following centuries Christian authors further embel-

lished the narrative of Aristeas. The scope of the translators'

work embraced not just the Law but the entire Old Testament, ac-

cording to Justin Martyr, at the middle of the second Christian

century.⁴ Later that century Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons, stated that

Ptolemy, fearing that the Jewish translators might conspire to

conceal the truth found in their sacred books, put each one in a

separate cubicle and commanded them each to write a transla-

tion. They did so, and when their translations were read before

the king, they were found to give the same words and the same

names from beginning to end "so that even the pagans who were

present recognized that the scriptures had been translated through

the inspiration of God."⁵

Underneath the accretions and behind the story as told by

Aristeas, modern scholars are generally in agreement on the fol-

lowing points.⁶ (1) The Pentateuch was translated first as a

whole, and it has a unity of style that distinguishes it from the

later translations of the Prophets and the Writings. (2) The ho-

 

⁴   In Justin Martyr's Dialogue with Trypho (68. 7) the mention of the "translation

of the 70 elders" relates not to a Pentateuchal passage but to Isaiah.

 

⁵ Irenaeus, Against Heresies 3.21.2 (apud Eusebius, Ecclesiastical History

5.8.11-15). For an account of still further elaborations in the third and fourth cen-

turies, see Sidney Jellicoe, The Septuagint and Modern Study, 44-47, and Hadas,

Aristeas to Philocrates, 73-80.

 

⁶ For these several points on which there is general agreement among scholars,

see W. F. Howard's succinct account in The Bible in Its Ancient and English Ver-

sions (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1954), 43-44.

 

                              Important Early Translations of the Bible         39

 

mogeneity of the translation makes it improbable that so large a

number as 70 were at work on the Pentateuch. A rabbinic version

of the story mentions five as the number of translators.⁷ (3) The

Hebrew scrolls were possibly imported from Palestine. (4) The

language of the version is similar to the Greek used in vernacu-

lar papyri found in Egypt and contains Egyptian words. This

suggests that the translators were Alexandrian and not Pales-

tinian Jews.

The Septuagint differs from the Hebrew Bible both in the or-

der of the biblical books and in the fact that it includes more

books. The threefold division into the Law, the Prophets, and the

Writings is abandoned, and the books are grouped in the se-

quence of law, history, wisdom literature, and prophets. Some of

the books not included in the Hebrew Scriptures are Greek trans-

lations of Hebrew originals (Tobit, 1 Maccabees, and Ecclesiasti-

cus, also known as the Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach), and

others are of Greek composition (Wisdom of Solomon; 2, 3, and 4

Maccabees; and others). Apart from these additional books, the

Septuagint also differs from the Hebrew Bible in the supplemental

matter contained in certain books that are common to both. The

Greek form of the Book of Esther, which in Hebrew contains 163

verses, is increased by the insertion of six sections embracing an

additional 107 verses. The Book of Daniel receives three supple-

ments; in the English Apocrypha of the King James Version these

are called the History of Susanna, Bel and the Dragon, and the

Song of the Three Holy Children. On the other hand, in the Septu-

agint the Book of Job is about one-sixth shorter than the Hebrew

text, and the Book of Jeremiah lacks about one-eighth of the mate-

rial in the Hebrew text. In both of these cases it may well be that

the translators were working with a sharply different Hebrew text

from what later became the traditional Masoretic text. The trans-

lation of the Book of Daniel was so deficient that it was wholly re-

jected by the Christian church, and a translation made in the sec-

ond century A.D. by Theodotion was used from the fourth century

onward in its place.

The importance of the Septuagint as a translation is obvious.

Besides being the first translation ever made of the Hebrew Scrip-

tures, it was the medium through which the religious ideas of the

Hebrews were brought to the attention of the world. It was the Bible

of the early Christian church, and the New Testament writers

usually quoted the Septuagint. Its subsequent influence was im-

mense. In the third century Origen incorporated the Septuagint

 

⁷ Masechet Soferim, ed. Joel Miller (Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1878), i. 8.

40                BIBLIOTHECA SACRA / January-March 1993

 

text into his Hexapla, an elaborate scholarly edition of the Old

Testament prepared with great care and industry. This huge

work presented in six narrow columns the Hebrew text, the He-

brew text transliterated into Greek characters, the Septuagint text,

and the text of three other Greek versions prepared in the second

century A.D. by Aquila, Symmachus, and Theodotion. Other

Christian recensions of the fourth century, attributed to Lucian

and Hesychius, were primarily stylistic in character.

Over the centuries the Septuagint has had a wide influence. It

became the basis for daughter versions of the Old Testament in

many languages, including Old Latin, Coptic, Gothic, Arme-

nian, Georgian, Ethiopic, Christian Palestinian Aramaic, Syr-

iac (in Paul of Tella's translation around 616 of Origen's

Hexaplaric text), Arabic, and Slavonic. Finally the importance

of the Septuagint can be judged from the circumstance that it re-

mains to this day the authoritative biblical text of the Old Testa-

ment for the Greek Orthodox Church.

 

THE JEWISH TARGUMS

The Targums are interpretive renderings of the books of the

Hebrew Scriptures (with the exception of Ezra, Nehemiah, and

Daniel) into Aramaic. Such versions were needed when Hebrew

ceased to be the normal medium of communication among the

Jews. In synagogue services the reading of the Scriptures was

followed by a translation into the Aramaic vernacular of the pop-

ulace. For a reading from the Pentateuch the Aramaic transla-

tion followed each verse of the Hebrew; for a reading from the

Prophets three verses were followed by the Aramaic translation.

At first the oral Targum was a simple paraphrase in Ara-

maic, but eventually it became more elaborate and incorporated

explanatory details inserted here and there into the translation of

the Hebrew text. To make the rendering more authoritative as an

interpretation, it was finally reduced to writing. Two officially

sanctioned Targums, produced first in Palestine and later re-

vised in Babylonia, are the Targum of Onkelos⁸ on the Penta-

teuch and the Targum of Jonathan on the Prophets, both of which

were in use in the third century of the Christian era.

During the same period the Targum tradition continued to

flourish in Palestine. In addition to fragments and citations that

have been collected, the Palestinian Targum to the Pentateuch is

found, primarily, in three forms. The two that have been the most

studied are the Pseudo-Jonathan Targum and the Fragmentary

 

⁸ Though the name Onkelus corresponds to Aquila, there is no reason to ascribe

this Targum to the Aquila who made a literalistic Greek translation of the Hebrew

Scriptures in the second century.

                                        Important Early Translations of the Bible         41

 

Targum, which contains renderings of only approximately 850

biblical verses, phrases, or words. In the mid-20th century a ne-

glected manuscript in the Vatican library, identified as Neofiti 1,

was discovered to be a nearly complete copy of the Palestinian

Targum to the Pentateuch. Though copied in the 16th century, its

text has the distinction of being the earliest form of the Pales-

tinian Targum. It is somewhat less paraphrastic than Pseudo-

Jonathan in that its explanatory additions are fewer in number

and more terse in expression. The wide divergences among

these Targums clearly indicate that, they are "unofficial," in that

their text was never fixed. There aree no reliable data as to who the

authors and compilers were, under what circumstances and for

what specific purposes they labored, and how literary transmis-

sion was achieved.

Though the several Targums display certain common fea-

tures, there are also many differences of rendering among them,

ranging from literalistic to paraphrastic, incorporating a variety

of kinds of explanatory comments. Sometimes an anthropomor-

phic expression in the Hebrew concerning God is softened or

eliminated in the Targum. In speaking of the relationship of God

to the world, reverence for the God of Israel led the Targumist to

employ surrogates for the Deity, such as "Word" (Memra),

"Glory" (Yeqara, 'Iqar), or "Presence" (Shekinah, Aramaic

Shekinta). Thus in Genesis 1:16-17 Targum Neofiti reads, "The

Word of the Lord created the two large luminaries . . . and the

Glory of the Lord set them in the firmament," and in Genesis 2:2-

3 it reads, "On the seventh day the Word of the Lord completed the

work which he had created . . . and the Glory of the Lord blessed

the seventh day."

As was mentioned earlier, besides providing an Aramaic

rendering of the Scripture text, the Targumist also sometimes

provided interpretive expansions. Typical of such interpolations

are the following:

"And whatever Adam called in the language of the sanctuary

a living creature, that was its name" (Palestinian Targum, Gen.

2:19)

"Behold, I have granted them a hundred and twenty years in

case they might repent, but they failed to do so" (Palestinian Tar-

gum, Gen. 6:3).

"And he [Moses] reached the mount over which the glory of the

Shekinah of the Lord was revealed Horeb" (Targum Neofiti,

Exod. 3:1).

"Let Reuben live in this world and not die in the second

death, in which death the wicked die in the world to come"

(Palestinian Targum, Deut. 33:6).

42      BIBLIOTHECA SACRA / January-March 1993

 

Despite their self-professed purpose to be a translation and/or

explanatory paraphrase of Scripture, here and there the Targums

also present instances of what is termed converse translation,⁹ in

which the Aramaic text contradicts what is said in the Hebrew.

This modification is accomplished through a variety of devices,

including the addition or deletion of the negative particle, or the

replacement of the original biblical verb with another of opposite

meaning. Neofiti on Exodus 33:3 reads, "I will not remove my

presence from among you," whereas the Hebrew text reads, "I

will not go up among you." Cain's cry in the Hebrew text,

"Behold, you have driven me this day from the land, and from

your face I shall be hidden" (Gen. 4:14), is changed to read,

"Behold, you have driven me this day from upon the land, but it is

not possible to be hidden from you" (Targums Onkelos and Ne-

ofiti). In both these instances the Targumist was unwilling to ac-

cept the implication that God's presence and power could be cir-

cumscribed or limited. In the Targum on Genesis 4:23 Lamech

boasted, "I have slain a man for wounding me, a young man on

account of which my progeny would be destroyed." Here the Tar-

gumist changed a bloodthirsty song of triumph into an affirma-

tion of divine justice.

In passing through the territory of the descendants of Esau,

the Israelites were instructed in Deuteronomy 2:6, "You shall buy

water from them, so that you may drink." Since this verse is fol-

lowed by the observation that "these forty years the Lord your God

has been with you; you have lacked nothing," the buying of food

and water appeared to be inappropriate to the Targumist. So he

contradicted the biblical text and the Targum reads, "You need

not buy food from them for money, since manna from heaven de-

scends for you; neither need you buy water from them, since the

well of water ascends with you, up to the mountain tops and down

into the valleys" (Targum Neofiti).

All translations of the Bible are necessarily interpretive to

some extent, but the Targums differ in that they are interpretive

as a matter of policy, and often to an extent that far exceeds the

bounds of translation or even paraphrase. It is perhaps against

such license that Rabbi Judah (2nd century A.D.) declared with

paradoxical vehemence, "He who translates a biblical verse lit-

erally is a liar, but he who elaborates on it is a blasphemer."¹⁰

 

⁹ See Michael Klein, "Converse Translation: A Targumic Technique," Biblica 57

(1976), 515-37, and Etan Levine, The Aramaic Version of the Bible (Berlin: de

Gruyter, 1988), 33-36 and 151-66.

 

¹⁰ Tosephta, Megillah 4:41, ed. M. S. Zuckermandel (Jerusalem: Bamberger &

Wahrmann, 1937), 228.

                                             Important Early Translations of the Bible         43

 

ANCIENT TRANSLATIONS OF PART OR ALL OF THE BIBLE,

                    INTENDED CHIEFLY FOR CHRISTIANS

 

Of the several ancient translations of both Old and New

Testaments, the Syriac versions and the Latin versions are gen-

erally considered the most important, both for their own sake and

for their having become the basis of many daughter transla-

tions.¹¹ It has been disputed whether the Scriptures were first

translated into Syriac or into Latin.

 

SYRIAC VERSIONS

At Antioch of Syria, the third largest city of the Roman Em-

pire, the followers of Jesus were first called Christians (Acts

11:26). Though most of the mixed population of Antioch were ac-

quainted with Greek, when the new faith spread elsewhere in

Syria during the second half of the second century, the need was

felt for a rendering of the Scriptures into the mother tongue of the

populace. So Syrian Christians, whose language was akin to He-

brew and Aramaic, though using a different script, soon began to

put the New Testament, or most of it, into their own language.

Early evidence is not very plentiful and the material is limited,

but more has survived than perhaps one might have expected.