NAG HAMMADI, GNOSTICISM
AND NEW TESTAMENT
INTERPRETATION
WILLIAM W. COMBS
The Gnostic heresy alluded to in the
NT and widely repudiated
by Christian writers in the second
century and after has been in-
creasingly studied in the
last forty years. The discovery in upper
formed a poorly known
movement in early Christianity into a well
documented heresy of
diverse beliefs and practices.
The relationship of Gnosticism and the
NT is an issue that has
not been resolved by the new
documents. Attempts to explain the
theology of the NT as
dependent on Gnostic teachings rest on ques-
tionable hypotheses. The
Gnostic redeemer-myth cannot be docu-
mented before the
second century: Thus, though the Gnostic writings
provide helpful insight
into the heresies growing out of Christianity, it
cannot be assumed that
the NT grew out of Gnostic teachings.
* * *
INTRODUCTION
STUDENTS
of the NT have generally been interested in the subject
of Gnosticism because of its
consistent appearance in discussions
of the "Colossian heresy"
and the interpretation of John's first epistle.
It
is felt that Gnosticism supplies the background against which these
and other issues should be
understood. However, some who use the
terms
"Gnostic" and "Gnosticism" lack a clear understanding of
the
movement itself. In
fact, our knowledge of Gnosticism has suffered
considerably from a lack of
primary sources. Now, however, with the
discovery of the Nag Hammadi (hereafter, NH) codices, this void is
being filled.
The NH codices were discovered in
1945, a year before the
comparatively little
attention from conservative scholars. Unfortu-
nately, political
problems and personal rivalries have caused numerous
delays in the
publication of the NH texts. Thanks mainly to the
efforts of Professor
James Robinson, English translations of all thir-
teen codices have at
last been published in a single volume.1 Photo-
graphic reproductions
of the papyus pages and leather covers are
now also available.2 A
complete eleven-volume critical edition of the
codices entitled The
Coptic Gnostic Library began to appear in 1975.
The
amount of literature on NH is already quite large and growing at
a rapid pace.3
The manuscripts from NH have
importance for a number of
scholarly disciplines,
including Coptic itself, since the entire library is
in that language. Also, because the
vast majority of the library is
composed of Christian
Gnostic writings, it is now possible to study
this movement from
primary sources, rather than having to rely upon
the secondhand accounts given by the
early Church Fathers or
"Heresiologists." Most important
for Biblical studies, of course, is the
relationship between NH and
the NT.
CONTENTS OF THE
LIBRARY
According to the best evidence, the
discovery of the NH codices
took place in
December 1945.4 Three brothers, Abu al-Majd,
Muhammad,
and Khalifah Ali of the al-Samman
clan, were digging
at the base of a cliff for soil
rich in nitrates to use as fertilizer. The
cliff, Jabal al Tarif, is about ten
kilometers northeast of Nag Ham-
madi, the largest
town in the area. Abu al-Majd actually unearthed
the jar; but his older brother,
Muhammad, quickly took control of it,
broke it open, and
discovered the codices. Having wrapped the books
in his tunic, he returned to his
home in the village of al-Qasr, the site
of the ancient city Chenoboskion5
where Saint Pachomius was con-
verted to Christianity
in the fourth century and where one of his
1 James M. Robinson, ed.,
The Nag Hammadi
Library in English (
Harper and Row, 1977).
2 James M. Robinson, ed.,
The Facsimile Edition of the Nag Hammadi Codices
(Leiden: Brill, 1972-84). For a complete
list, see B. A. Pearson and J. E. Goehring,
eds., The Roots of Egyptian Christianity (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986)
xiii.
3 David M. Scholer's bibliography runs to nearly 2,500 items (Nag Hammadi
Bibliography
1948-1969
[
Testamentum (1971-). Over 3,000 additional items have been listed by Scholer since
1971.
4 The most up-to-date and
thorough account of the discovery is by James M.
Robinson, "The Discovery of the Nag
Hammadi Codices," BA 42 (1979) 206-24. This
should be supplemented
by his "The Discovering and Marketing of Coptic Manu-
scripts: The Nag Hammadi Codices and the Bodmer
Papyri," in Egyptian Christianity,
2-25.
5 Robinson believes the
name should be spelled Chenoboskia.
COMBS:
NAG HAMMADI AND NT INTERPRETATION 197
monasteries was located.
Muhammad Ali dumped the codices on top
of some straw that was lying by the
oven to be burned. His mother
thought they were worthless
and burned some of the pages in the
oven (probably Codex
XII of which only a few fragmentary leaves
remain6).
The books were eventually sold for a
few piasters or given away
until their value was
later realized. Most of them went through the
hands of a series of
middlemen and were sold on the black market
through antiquities
dealers. Having arrived by various means in
the majority of the library was
either purchased by the Coptic
Museum
or confiscated by the Egyptian Department of Antiquities
when attempts were
made to smuggle some codices out of the country.
Most
of Codex I was taken out of
dealer. It was
unsuccessfully offered for sale in
Arbor in 1949. Finally, in May
1952 it was purchased by the Jung
Institute
of
had found its way to the
to publish the entire codex (six
volumes from 1956 to 1975), the
Coptic
Museum.7 Today the entire NH library is in the Museum.
The first scholar to examine the
codices was a young Frenchman,
Jean
Doresse, who had come to
monasteries.8 Because his
wife had been a student in
Mina,
the Director of the
see the codices and in January of
1948 announced their discovery to
the world. The death of Mina and
subsequent political upheavals in
ancient place name of Chenoboskion to the discovery, but it never
caught on. Later
scholars have called the discovery NH, probably
because this location
has served as a base camp for all who have
come to investigate
the origin of the library.9
In 1956 the new Director of the
made plans for a
facsimile edition of the library, but only one volume
appeared. An English
translation of The Gospel of Thomas was
published in 1959.
Because Labib allowed relatively few scholars to
have access to the
library, only a few parts of it were published until
1972.
In 1961 under the auspices of UNESCO, an agreement was
6 Robinson, The Nag Hammadi
Library in English, 23.
7 For details about the
intrigues of the Jung Codex, see J. M. Robinson, "The Jung
Codex:
The Rise and Fall of a Monopoly," RelSRev 3 (1977)
17-30; Egyptian Chris-
tianity, 2-25.
8 Doresse
has written an account of his experiences in The Secret Books of the
Egyptian
Gnostics,
trans. P. Mairet (New York: Viking, 1960) 116-36.
9 James
M. Robinson, "Introduction," BA
42 (1979) 201.
worked out with the
Egyptian government to publish a facsimile
edition of the entire
library. The project was delayed until 1970 when
an International Committee for the
NH Codices was formed under
the leadership of James Robinson. By
1977 the entire library was in
the public domain.
Description
A list of the tractates in the NH
library can be found in Table 1.
Listings
of the library refer to thirteen codices; however, the eight
leaves of Codex XIII
form a separate essay or tractate that was
tucked inside the
cover of Codex VI in antiquity.10 Much of Codex
XII
is missing, probably lost or destroyed since the discovery of the
library. The library
contains a total of fifty-two tractates of which six
are duplicates. Of the forty-six
remaining tractates, six are texts of
which a complete copy
existed elsewhere, so there are forty tractates
that are extant only
in the NH library. Fragments of three of these
were already extant,
but these fragments were too small to identify
their contents until
NH provided the full text.11 About ten of the
tractates are.in poor enough condition so as often to obscure the
train
of thought. In terms of pages of
text, Robinson estimates that out of
1,239
inscribed pages that were buried, 1,156 have survived at least in
part.12
Each codex was originally bound in
leather; the covers of Codices
I-XI
have survived. These were lined with papyrus pasted into thick
cardboards (called cartonnage) in order to produce a hardback effect.
Study
of this used papyrus, which consists mostly of letters and
business documents, has
produced names of persons and places as
well as dates that
help to date the collection of the library to the mid-
dle of the fourth
century. Of course, this does not determine the date
of the origin of the individual
tractates except in respect to the
terminus ad quem. Some are known
to have been written as early as
the second century.13
The language of the codices is Coptic,
which simply means
"Egyptian"
(the consonants CPT in "Coptic" are a variant of those in
10 James M. Robinson,
"Inside the Cover of Codex VI," in Essays on the Nag
Hammadi Texts in Honour of
Alexander Bohling, ed. Martin Krause (
1972)
74-87.
11 James M. Robinson, The Nag Hammadi
Codices (2nd ed.;
Institute
for Antiquity and Christianity, 1977) 3-4. Greek papyri fragments discovered
at Oxyrhynchus
in 1897 and 1904, called the "Logia" by B.P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt,
turn out to be the
Greek text of the Coptic Gospel of Thomas. See J. A. Fitzmyer,
Essays on the
Semitic Background of the New Testament (Missoula: Scholars, 1974)
355-433.
12
Robinson, Nag Hammadi
Codices, 4.
13 Edwin M. Yamauchi, Pre-Christian Gnosticism (2nd ed.;
Eerdmans,
1983) 101-2.
COMBS:
NAG HAMMADI AND NT INTERPRETATION 199
TABLE 1
Tractates in the NH Library
Codex
Tractate Title
I I The
Prayer of the Apostle Paul (+ colophon)
I 2
The
Apocryphon of James
I 3
The
Gospel of Truth
I 4
The
Treatise on Resurrection
I 5
The
Tripartite Tractate
II 1
The
Apocryphon of John
II 2
The
Gospel of Thomas
II 3
The
Gospel of Philip
II 4
The
Hypostasis of the Archons
II 5
On
the Origin of the World
II 6
The
Exegesis of the Soul
II 7 The
Book of Thomas the Contender (+ colophon)
III 1
The
Apocryphon of John
III 2
The
Gospel of the Egyptians
III 3
Eugnostos
the Blessed
III 4
The
Sophia of Jesus Christ
III 5
The
Dialogue of the Savior
IV 1
The
Apocryphon of John
IV 2
The
Gospel of the Egyptians
V 1
Eugnostos
the Blessed
V 2
The
Apocalypse of Paul
V 3
The
First Apocalypse of James
V 4
The
Second Apocalypse of James
V 5
The
Apocalypse of Adam
VI 1
The
Acts of Peter and the Twelve Apostles
VI 2
The
Thunder. Perfect Mind
VI 3
Authoritative
Teaching
VI 4
The
Concept of Our Great Power
VI 5
Plato, Republic
588B-589B
VI 6
The
Discourse on the Eighth and Ninth
VI 7 The Prayer of Thanksgiving (+ scribal
note)
VI 8
Asclepius 21-29
VII 1
The
Paraphrase of Shem
VII 2
The
Second Treatise of the Great Seth
VII 3
Apocalypse of Peter
VII 4 The Teaching of Silval1us (+ colophon)
VII 5 The Three Steles of Seth (+ colophon)
VIII 1
Zostrianos
VIII 2
The
Letter of Peter to Philip
IX 1
Melchizedek
IX 2
The
Thought of Norea
IX 3
The
Testimony of Truth
X 1
Marsanes
XI 1
The
Interpretation of Knowledge
XI 2
A Valentinian
Exposition
XI 2a
On
the Anointing
XI 2b
On
Baptism A
XI 2c
On
Baptism B
XI 2d
On the Eucharist A
200
GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
TABLE I
(continued)
Codex
Tractate Title
XI 2e
On
the Eucharist B
XI 3
Allogenes
XI 4
Hypsiphrone
XII 1
The
Sentences of Sextus
XII 2
The
Gospel of Truth
XII 3
Fragments
XIII 1 Trimorphic Protennoia
XIII 2
On
the Origin of the World
"Egyptian,"
GPT). However, two dialects are used, Sahidic for
most
of the library and Subachmimic for Codices I, X, and part of XI.14
Although
written in Coptic, it is almost the universal opinion of
scholars that the
library is a translation of Greek originals. Almost
nothing is known about
those who translated the tractates into
Coptic,
those who produced the extant copies, or those who buried
them. Robinson has
attempted to connect the library with the
Pachomian monastery that
was located at Chenoboskion, but this
link is now
questioned.15
In listings of the codices the Berlin
Codex 8502, which dates
from the fifth
century, is sometimes included. Its four tractates are
similar to those found
at NH; in fact, two are duplicates. Although
discovered in 1896, it was
not published until 1955.16
Subject Matter
The tractates represent a diverse
background that includes non-
Gnostic,
non-Christian Gnostic(?), and Christian Gnostic works.
The
question of which, if
any, of the tractates fall into the non-Christian
Gnostic
category is widely debated (see below).
14 IDBSup, S.v. "Nag Hammadi,"by
George W. MacRae, 613.
15 The Nag Hammadi
Library in English, 13-21; The Nag Hammadi Codices, 1-2.
Robinson's
view that the NH library came from a Pachomian
monastery was based on
the preliminary study of the cartonnage by the late John W. B. Barns, "Greek and
Coptic
Papyri from the Covers of the Nag Hammadi
Codices," in Essays on the Nag
Hammadi Library, ed. M. Krause (Leiden: Brill, 1975)
9-18. Further study has cast
serious doubts about
whether the monks mentioned in the cartonnage are Pachomian.
See
J. C. Shelton, "Introduction," in Nag Hammadi Codices: Greek and Coptic Papyri
from the Cartonnage of the Covers, ed. J. W.
Barnes, G. M. Browne, and J. C. Shelton
(Leiden: Brill, 1981) 11. Though the Pachomian origin of the NH library has also been
supported by F. C. Wisse, C. Hedrick, and J. E. Goehring,
authorities on Pachomius
question it. See A. Veilleux, "Monasticism and Gnosis in
anity, 278-83 and P. Rosseau, Pachomius (Berkeley: University of California, 1985) 27.
16 "Nag Hammadi,"by George W. MacRae,
615.
COMBS:
NAG HAMMADI AND NT INTERPRETATION 201
Since
it is not feasible to discuss the contents of each tractate, it
may be helpful to present at least a
preliminary classification of the
library according to
the various genres represented therein.
Literary
Genres
The
library contains a wide variety of literary genres. Some of
these are typical of
Gnostic literature, while others are imitative of the
genres in Christian
and other literature. Some of the tractates are
representative of more than
one genre. The following classifications
are taken from MacRae.17
Gospels. Of the four tractates that bear
the title "gospel," The
Gospel
of Truth, The Gospel of Thomas, The Gospel of Philip,
and
The
Gospel of the Egyptians, none actually correspond to the gospel
genre of the NT. The
most important of these, The Gospel of Thomas,
is a collection of 114 logia or
sayings attributed to Jesus. The Greek
original was probably
composed in
Apocalypses. A number of tractates are titled
"apocalypses":
The
Apocalypse of Paul, The First Apocalypse of James, The
Second
Apocalypse
of James, The Apocalypse of Adam, and Apocalypse of
Peter.
Also in this category would be Asclepius 21-29, The Hypostasis
of the Archons, and The Paraphrase
of Shem. In one of the most
important of these, The
Apocalypse of Adam, the future course of
Gnostic
history is received by Adam in a revelation and transmitted
to his son Seth. This tractate is
claimed to display a non-Christian
Gnosticism.19
Acts. One tractate in the Nag Hammadi library uses the name
"acts"in its title, The Acts
of Peter and the Twelve Apostles. Actually,
another work, The
Letter of Peter to Philip has closer parallels to the
NT book of Acts.
Letters. Some of the tractates, such as
The Treatise on Resur-
rection and Eugnostos the Blessed, have occasionally been referred to
as epistles because they are
addressed to pupils from their teacher.
However,
they fall more into the category of treatises. None of the
tractates are imitative
of the Pauline letter form.
Dialogues. MacRae notes that "one of the most characteristic
genres of Gnostic
literature is the dialogue between the risen Jesus
17 "Nag Hammadi," by George W. MacRae,
616-17.
18 ISBE, 1979 ed., s. v. "Apocryphal
Gospels," by Edwin M. Yamauchi, 186.
19 IDBSup, S.v. "Adam, Apocalypse of," by George W. MacRae, 9-l0.
202
GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
and his disciples in which Gnostic
teaching is revealed.”20 The Sophia
of Jesus Christ and The Dialogue of
the Savior are excellent examples
of this genre in the NH library.
Parts of several other tractates also
fall within this
category.
Secret Books. The word "apocryphon" is used in the titles of two
works, The Apocryphon of James and The Apocryphon
of John.
Strictly
speaking, this category is not a separate genre since these two
works fall into the
apocalyptic and revelational discourse
classifications.
Speculative treatises. The most
important of these is On the
Origin of the World. In addition, Eugnostos the Blessed and a few
other tractates have
affinities with this genre.
Wisdom Literature. The two
examples of this genre in the NH
library, The Teachings
of Silvanus and The Sentences of Sextus, are
both non-Gnostic
writings. The latter tractate is a Coptic translation
of a well-known ancient work which
is extant in Greek, Latin, and
several other
languages.21
Revelational
discourses.
A number of works come under this
heading in which a
revealer speaks in the first person. Sometimes, as
in the case of The Thunder, Perfect
Mind, and Trimorphic Pro-
tennoia, the revealer
is a female.
Prayers. There are examples of Christian
and non-Christian
prayers in the library.
Three of these are The Prayer of the Apostle
Paul,
The Prayer of Thanksgiving, and The Three Steles of
Seth.
Types of
Gnosticism
The NH library has made available a
wealth of primary Gnostic
material; however, it
has probably generated more questions than it
has answered. Doresse's
preliminary investigations led him to con-
clude that the
library was primarily a Sethian Gnostic collection.22
A
study by Wisse has now demonstrated that Doresse
was premature in
his assessment of the library and,
in fact, virtually none of the
tractates corroborates in
detail the accounts of Sethian Gnosticism
given by the Church
Fathers.23 Some scholars now question the
reliability of patristic
testimony regarding Gnosticism. Evans has I
20 "Nag Hammadi," by George W. MacRae,
616.
On the genre of dialogues, see
Pheme Perkins, The Gnostic Dialogue (New York: Paulist, 1980).
21
IHammadi
Library in English, ed. James M. Robinson, 454.
22 Doresse, The Secret Books of
the Egyptian Gnostics, 249-51. I
23 Frederick Wisse, "The Sethians and the
Nag Hammadi Library," in Society of
Biblical
Literature 1972 Proceedings, vol. 2, ed. Lane C. McGaughy
(n.p.: Society of
Biblical
Literature, 1972), 60 1-7.
COMBS:
NAG HAMMADI AND NT INTERPRETATION 203
observed that
"liberal scholars treat the Fathers with reserve while
conservative scholars tend
to see the new source material providing
some confirmation of
the Fathers.”24
However, the inability to correlate
every facet of Gnosticism
found in the library
with the patristic testimony should not be viewed
as unusual. There was great variety
in Gnostic systems. For example,
Irenaeus (ca. A.D. 180)
noted that the Valentinians "differ among
themselves in their
treatment of the same points, and in regard to the
things they describe
and the names they employ, are at variance with
one another.”25 Also, it
appears that the Heresiologists, rather than
intentionally distorting
Gnostic thought, seemed to have sometimes
misunderstood it.
Although it is true that some of the NH
materials cannot be
identified with the
well-known Gnostic systems of the second and
third centuries, a
number of the tractates do show clear correspon-
dences.26 MacRae would classify all of Codex I, The Gospel of Philip,
and The Apocalypse of James as
representative of the Valentinian
sect.27 The Apocryphon of John is in general agreement with the
teachings of the Barbelo-Gnostics as reported by Irenaeus.28
Other
tractates have been
identified with the Sethians and other Gnostic
sects, but most of
these suggestions are only tentative at this early
stage in the study of
the library.
Non-Gnostic
Material
One of the greatest surprises in the
library was the presence of
non-Gnostic tractates such
as Plato's Republic and The Sentences of
Sextus, a series of
ethical maxims attributed to the philosopher
Sextus. Three tractates
from Codex VI, The Discourse on the Eighth
and Ninth, The Prayer of Thanksgiving, and Asclepius 21-29, are
clear-cut examples of
Hermetic literature.29 The Hermetica are tradi-
tions from
Trismegistos,
the Egyptian god of wisdom.
Since most of the library is composed of
Christian Gnostic
works, the question
arises as to why non-Christian and even non-
Gnostic
documents, such as a portion of Plato's Republic, would be
included in the library.
24 C. A. Evans,
"Current Issues in Coptic Gnosticism for New Testament Study,"
Studia Biblica et Theologica 9 (1979) 97.
25 Against Heresies,I.II.I.
26 For information
on the various Gnostic systems, see Hans Jonas, The Gnostic
Religion (Boston:
Beacon, 1958).
27 "Nag Hammadi," by George W. MacRae,
617.
28 Wemer Foerster, Gnosis: A
Selection of Gnostic Texts, vol. 1: Patristic Evidence,
ed.
R. McL.
29 IDBSup, s.v, "Hermetic Literature," by Edwin M. Yamauchi,
408.
204
GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
The answer is found in understanding the
gnostic approach to inter-
pretation. For them,
truth lies at two levels. At the literal and obvious
level truth is
accessible to all, but at the deeper level one finds truth
which only the
Gnostic can discern. Such an approach is assumed by
the Gospel of
Thomas (II, 2): "Whoever finds the interpretation of
these sayings will
not experience death." Therefore, documents which
represent a variety of
traditions (Plato, Hermetica, Sextus,
Silvanus)
may be interpreted
at a deeper (i.e., gnostic) level.30
ISSUES IN NT
INTERPRETATION
The NH library was discovered forty
years ago, but because most
of the tractates have only been
published in recent years, the inter-
pretation of the library
is just beginning. Already, however, some
major issues of
interpretation in relation to the NT have arisen.
Pre-Christian
Gnosticism
Probably most of the discussion about
the contents of the library
has centered around its contribution
to the question of pre-Christian
Gnosticism. Until the
twentieth century, the prevailing view of Gnos-
ticism was that of the
Church Fathers, who held that it was a heresy
that developed out
of Christianity. Early in this century this view was
challenged by the Religionsgeschichtliche Schule or
History of
Religions
School.31 This approach
represents the most
thorough-going application of a naturalistic histor-
icism to the study of
the Bible. It assumes that biblical religion, in both
the Old and New
Testaments, passed through stages of growth and
evolution like all
ancient religions, and in this evolution was heavily
influenced through
interaction with its religious environment. This
method involves the
consistent application of the principle of analogy
to biblical
religion: the history and development of biblical religion
must be analogous to
the history and development of other ancient
religions.32
The leading spokesmen of the History of
Religions School,
Wilhelm
Bousset (1865-1920) and Richard Reitzenstein
(1861-1931),
argued upon the basis
of Hermetic, Iranian, and Mandaean docu-
ments, all of which
postdated the NT, that Gnosticism existed prior
30 Evans,
"Current Issues in Coptic Gnosticism," 97.
31 For an
excellent discussion of the History of Religions School, see George E.
Ladd,
The New Testament and Criticism (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1967) 195-214.
32 Ladd, New Testament and Criticism, 196.
33 Edwin M.
Yamauchi, "Some Alleged Evidences for Pre-Christian Gnosticism,"
in New Dimensions in New Testament Study, ed. Richard N. Longenecker and Merrill
C.
Tenney (Grand Rapids: Zondervan,
1974) 47.
COMBS:
NAG HAMMADI AND NT INTERPRETATION 205
to Christianity.33
Rudolf Bultmann adopted the idea of pre-Christian
Gnosticism
and sought to explain NT Christianity as the result of a
syncretistic process that
included Gnostic ideas.34 Most German NT
scholars, because of the
influence of Bultmann, have assumed a pre-
Christian
Gnosticism as a basis for their interpretation of the NT. For
example, one of Bultmann's students, Walter Schmithals
seems to be
able to find
Gnosticism in almost every Pauline letter.35 A number of
scholars who agree with Bultmann are attempting to use the NH
library in order to
verify his view of NT Christianity. MacRae has
accounted in a recent
article: "It is my contention here that such
evidence as we have now
in the Nag Hammadi library tends to
vindicate the position of
Bultmann.”36
Problem of
Definition
A vital consideration with regard to the
question of pre-Christian
Gnosticism
is the need for defining Gnosticism itself. Evans has noted
that “if Gnosticism
is defined broadly then its origins are found to be
much earlier and its
roots quite diverse. However, if it is defined
narrowly, Gnosticism may
be viewed as an early Christian heresy and
thus subsequent to
the origin of Christianity.”37
that one solution to
the problem of definition would be to distinguish
between Gnosticism and
Gnosis: "By Gnosticism we me'an the
specifically Christian
heresy of the second century A.D., by Gnosis, in
a broader sense, the whole complex
of ideas belonging to the Gnostic
movement and related
trends of thought.”38 Unfortunately, some
scholars feel that such
distinctions are too confining. MacRae refuses
to abide by
inology that matters
most.”39 Bultmann uses the term die
Gnosis, but
34 Rudolf Bultmann, Theology of
the New Testament, 2 vols., trans. Kendrick
Grobel
(New York: Scribner's, 1951-55) 1.164.
35 See his Gnosticism in
and Paul and the Gnostics, trans.
John E. Steely (Nashville: Abingdon, 1972).
36 George W. MacRae, "Nag Hammadi and the
New Testament," in Gnosis:
Festschrift fur
Hans Jonas,
ed. Barbara Aland (
1978) 146.
37 Evans,
"Current Issues in Coptic Gnosticism for New Testament Study," 98. On
the issue of defining Gnosticism
broadly, see K. Rudolph, "'Gnosis' and 'Gnosticism'-
the Problems of their Definition and
their Relation to the Writings of the New
Testament,"
in The New Testament and Gnosis, ed. A. J. M. Wedderbum and A. H. B.
Francisco:
Harper and Row, 1983).
38 R. McL.
9.
See also his presidential address to the Studiorum
Novi Testamenti Societas in
39 MacRae, "Nag Hammadi and the
New Testament," 146.
206
GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
his translators render it into
English by the term "Gnosticism."
German
scholars prefer to use the term die Gnosis in the widest
possible sense.
For the sake of clarity it is essential
to follow the distinctions
between Gnosis and
Gnosticism suggested by
if the term "Gnosticism"
is restricted to the second and third century
sects, it is still
difficult to come up with a definition that will
incorporate the variety of
developed Gnostic systems. Yamauchi
believes that the
essential "element of any developed Gnosticism
would be a radical
dualism between the divine and the created,
inasmuch as a
fundamental Gnostic tenet is the view that the creation
of the world resulted from
ignorance and error.”40
gested a four-point
summary of the second century movement:
(1) A distinction between the unknown
and transcendent true God on
the one hand and
the Demiurge or creator of this world on the other,
the latter being
commonly identified with the God of the Old Tes-
tament; (2) the belief
that man in his true nature is essentially akin to
the divine, a spark
of the heavenly light imprisoned in a material body
and subjected in
this world to the dominance of the Demiurge and his
powers; (3) a myth
narrating some kind of pre-mundane fall, to account
for man's present
state and his yearning for deliverance; and (4) the
means, the saving
gnosis, by which that deliverance is effected and man
awakened to the
consciousness of his own true nature and heavenly
origin. . . This deliverance, and the eventual return of the imprisoned
sparks of light to
their heavenly abode, means in time the return of this
world to its
primordial chaos, and is strenuously opposed at all points
by the hostile
powers.41
in formulating a definition of
Gnosticism that will include all the
second century sects.
The question then is whether the NH library
provides any support for
pre-Christian Gnosticism.
Nag Hammadi Evidence
The basic argument for pre-Christian
Gnosticism that has
been deduced from
the NH library is the presence of supposedly
non-Christian Gnostic
tractates. Of the most commonly suggested
examples of
non-Christian Gnostic works, three are particularly
noteworthy.
A number of scholars believe that Eugnostos the Blessed is a
non-Christian Gnostic
tractate from which was created the Christian
Gnostic work, The Sophia of Jesus Christ.
The Nag Hammadi Library
40 Yamauchi,
"Some Alleged Evidences for Pre-Christian Gnosticism,"47.
41
COMBS:
NAG HAMMADI AND NT INTERPRETATION 207
in English prints the texts side by side for
comparison. Although
there was initially
some debate about the priority of Eugnostos, the
work of Krause has
convinced most scholars that Sophia is a re-
working of Eugnostos.42
However, it is not clear that Eugnostos is
wholly free from
Christian influence.
possible NT and
Christian allusions in Eugnostos.43 Included among
them is Son of Man, Saviour, and the Church. Also, the name
Eugnostos appears in only
one other tractate, The Gospel of the
Egyptians, where Eugnostos
is a Christian.
Yamauchi believes that
the Christian Eugnostos
is the same person referred to in Eugnostos
the Blessed.44
The Apocalypse of Adam has also been
hailed by some scholars
as a clear example of a
non-Christian Gnostic work. This tractate
purports to be a
revelation of Adam to Seth that recounts the
salvation of Noah from
the Flood and the salvation of Seth's seed
from destruction by
fire. The story ends with the coming of the
mighty
"Illuminator." It seems clear, however, that this Illuminator-
who is punished in his flesh, does
signs and marvels, is opposed by
powers, and has the
Holy Spirit descend upon him-is none other
than Jesus Christ.45
Another supposedly non-Christian Gnostic
document is The
Paraphrase
of Shem in which a figure named Derdekeas gives a
revelation to Shem.
However, a number of scholars have pointed to
parallels between Derdekeas and Christ.46 Also, the presence of a
bitter polemic against
water baptism (37, 14-25) is a problem for
those who maintain
the non-Christian character of the tractate.47
Even
if it could be proven that any of the previously discussed
works or, for that
matter, any of the NH tractates are non-Christian
Gnostic
documents, that would not in itself be evidence for
pre-
Christian Gnosticism. Non-Christian
is not necessarily pre-Christian.
MacRae's admission is
worth noting:
The NH library does nothing to resolve
the classic chronological
challenge to Gnostic
sources. That is to say that those who demand a
chronologically pre-Christian
Gnostic document in order to accept the
42 Martin Krause,
"Das literarische Verhaltnis
des Eugnostosbriefes zur
Sophia
Jesu Christi,"
in Mullus: Festschrift fur Theodor Klauser, ed. A. Stuiber and A.
Hermann (
43
44 Edwin M.
Yamauchi, "Pre-Christian Gnosticism in the Nag Hammadi
Texts?"
CH 48 (1979) 138.
45 Yamauchi,
"Pre-Christian Gnosticism in the Nag Hammadi
Texts?" 132, and.
Pre-Christian
Gnosticism,
107-15,217-19.
46 Yamauchi,
"Pre-Christian Gnosticism in the Nag Hammadi
Texts?" 136.
47 John Dart, The Laughing Savior (New York: Harper and
Row, 1976) 100. See
also Yamauchi, Pre-Christian Gnosticism, 221.
208
GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
argument that Gnosticism
is older than the second century A.D. will not
be shaken by the
publication of a mid-fourth-century collection of
Coptic
translations.
And even if we are on solid ground in some cases
in arguing the
original works represented in the library are much older
than extant copies,
we are still unable to postulate plausibly any pre-
Christian dates.48
Unfortunately,
MacRae, Robinson, and a number of others either
discount or ignore the
fact that their arguments for pre-Christian
Gnosticism
are based upon late sources.
The Descending-Ascending
Redeemer Myth
Bultmann and his
followers have argued that the Christian con-
ception of Jesus as a
descending-ascending saviour figure was derived
from the Gnostic
redeemer myth. The classic description of the myth
was set forth by Bultmann
in a 1925 article.49 He outlined twenty-
eight characteristics
that he considered to have constituted the original
myth. Yamauchi has
conveniently summarized those characteristics:
1. In the
cosmic drama a heavenly 'Urmensch' or Primal Man of
Light
falls and is torn to pieces by demonic powers.
These particles are
encapsuled as the
sparks of light in the 'pneumatics' of mankind.
2. The demons try to stupefy the
'pneumatics' by sleep and forgetfulness
so they will forget their divine origin.
3. The transcendent Deity sends another
Being of Light, the 'Redeemer,'
who descends the demonic spheres, assuming the
deceptive garments
of a bodily exterior to escape the notice of
the demons.
4. The Redeemer is sent to awaken the
'pneumatics' to the truth of their
heavenly origins and gives them the necessary
'gnosis' or 'knowledge'
to serve as passwords for their heavenly
re-ascent.
5. The Redeemer himself re-ascends,
defeating the demonic powers, and
thereby makes a way for the spirits that will
follow him.
6. Cosmic redemption is achieved when
the souls of men are collected and
gathered upward. In this process the Redeemer
is himself redeemed,
i.e., the Primal Man who fell in the beginning is reconstituted.50
Bultmann believed that
the writer of the Fourth Gospel was a
Christian
convert from a Gnostic baptist
group, who Christianized
the descending-ascending redeemer
myth in applying it to the his-
torical Jesus. This
myth also became the source of the redemptive
idea in Paul's theology.
48 MacRae, "Nag Hammadi and the
New Testament," 146-47.
49 "Die Bedeutung der neuerschlossenen
mandaischen und manichaischen
Que11en
ftir das Verstandnis des Johannesevangeliums,"
ZNW24 (1925) 100-146.
50 Yamauchi,
Pre-Christian Gnosticism, 29-30.
COMBS:
NAG HAMMADI AND NT INTERPRETATION 209
Bultmann's proof for the
pre-Christian nature of the Gnostic
redeemer myth was based
on texts that considerably postdated the
NT,
a fact that has not gone unnoticed by a number of scholars.51
However,
some of Bultmann's followers have suggested that the
NH
library provides new
evidence which demonstrates that he was
tially correct.
Robinson has stated:
The
Apocalypse of Adam,
a non-Christian Jewish Gnostic interpreta- .
tion of Genesis,
presents the redeemer as coming to the world, suffering,
and triumphing. It
or traditions it used may have been composed in the
Syrian-Jordan region during the First
Century A.D.--much the same
time and place as
the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Gospel of John!52
While
it is true that The Apocalypse of Adam
and several other NH
texts present a
descending-ascending redeemer figure, it has not been
clearly demonstrated
that any of these tractates are free from
Christian
influences, as was previously discussed. Even if it could be
shown that The Apocalypse of Adam was not
influenced by the NT,
there is absolutely
no historical evidence that it was composed in the
first century, and
thus influenced John's Gospel. Yamauchi has
demonstrated that The
Apocalypse of Adam could not have been
written before the
second century.53
The Gospel of
Thomas
When it was published in 1959, this
document prompted curiosity
about a "fifth
gospel." Actually, it is a random series of 114 sayings
attributed to Jesus. About
half of these correspond to sayings of
Jesus
in the canonical Gospels, but scarcely any are
completely
identical. Some sayings
are similar to those known previously from
patristic literature
while about forty are new sayings.54 It is possible
that genuine agrapha (sayings
of Jesus not found in the canonical
Gospels)
may be found in Thomas since the canonical Gospels do not
claim to be
exhaustive (John
parallel to those in the
Oxyrhynchus papyri, which can be dated to
51 The most
devastating criticisms have come from Carsten Colpe, Die religions-
geschichtliche Schule: Darstel/ung und Kritik ihres Bildes
vom gnostischen Erlosermy-
thus (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1961).
Also, see Henry A. Green, "Gnosis
and Gnosticism: A Study in Methodology,"
Numen 24
(1977) 95-134.
52 Robinson, The Nag Hammadi
Codices, 15.
53 Yamauchi,
"Pre-Christian Gnosticism in the Nag Hammadi
Texts?" 132-35 and
"The
Apocalypse of Adam, Mithraism, and Pre-Christian Gnosticism," in Etudes
Mithriaques, Textes et Memoires, ed. Jacques Duchesne-Guillemin
(Teheran-Liege:
Bibliotheque Pahlavi, 1978)
4.537-63.
54 Andrew K. Helmbold, The Nag Hammadi Gnostic Texts and the Bible (Grand
Rapids:
Baker, 1967) 57-58.
210
GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
about A.D. 150, most
scholars believe that the Greek original of
Thomas
was written about A.D. 140.55
Robinson believes that The Gospel of
Thomas provides evidence
for the literary genre of the
so-called Q (from the German Quelle,
meaning
"source") material, a hypothetical written document that
was the source of the material
common to Matthew and Luke but not
found in Mark.56
Both Robinson and Helmut Koester believe that
Thomas
is independent of the canonical Gospels and may even repre-
sent an earlier form
of Jesus' sayings.57 However, the independence of
Thomas
seems to be a minority opinion. Even Koester admits that
the number of scholars who oppose
his view is impressive.58 Gundry's
study of the problem
led him to conclude that "the much later date of
The
Gospel of Thomas and the undeniable wholesale interpolation of
Gnostic
ideas and sayings tip the scales in favor of Gnostic editing of
mostly canonical
sources.59 Thus, if Thomas is dependent upon the
canonical Gospels, its
literary genre is much later than Q. There is
also an important
difference between Q and Thomas: Q would have
included narrative
material, whereas Thomas has none.60
Prologue of the
Fourth Gospel
The problem of determining the
historical background of the
prologue of John's
Gospel has long preoccupied a number of NT
scholars. In the past,
scholars have been divided into two camps.61
One
camp, represented by C. H. Dodd, held that the backdrop for
the prologue was to be found in
Rabbinic and Philonic materials,
together with the Hermetica. Dodd argued "that in the Prologue a
basic Jewish (OT)
theme has been interpreted in the light of the
conceptuality of Hellenistic
Jewish thought.”62 The other camp,
55 ISBE, 1979 ed., s.v.
"Agrapha," by Edwin M. Yamauchi, 1.69.
56 James M.
Robinson, "LOGOI SOPHON: On the Gattung of Q," in Trajectories
through Early Christianity, with Helmut
Koester (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971) 71-113.
57 Helmut Koester,
"One Jesus and Four Primitive Gospels," in Trajectories
through Early Christianity, 186.
58 Helmut Koester,
"GNOMAI DIAPHOROI: The Origin and Nature of Diversi-
fication in the History
of Early Christianity," in Trajectories
through Early Christianity,
130.
59 Robert H.
Gundry, "Recent Investigations into the Literary Genre 'Gospel,'" in
New Dimensions
in New Testament Study, 106.
60 Donald Guthrie,
New Testament Introduction (3rd ed.;
Inter-Varsity, 1970) 152. See also the
important new study by G. Quispel, "The Gospel
of Thomas Revisited," in Colloque international sur
les textes de Nag Hammadi,
ed. B.
Barc
(Quebec: Laval University, 1981) 218-66.
61 Robert Kysar, "The Background of the Prologue of the Fourth
Gospel: A
Critique of Historical Methods," CJT 16 (1970) 250-55.
62 Ibid., 252.
COMBS:
NAG HAMMADI AND NT INTERPRETATION 211
represented by Bultmann, pointed to Gnostic sources behind the
prologue. While Dodd
relied heavily on the Hermetica, Bultmann
drew parallels from
the Odes of Solomon, neither of which can be
dated earlier than
the second century A.D. Kysar has aptly observed:
Both Dodd and Bultmann
follow the practice of using later literature
as evidence of a
thought-form which, in its earlier expressions, pre-
sumably influenced
those responsible for the Prologue. It would seem
that such a
principle, if allowed at all, opens innumerable possibilities
for claiming an
influence on the New Testament for ideas found only in
post-fIrst-century literature.63
Robinson has again come to the rescue of
Bultmann by sug-
gesting that a NH
tractate, the Trimorphic Protennoia,
demonstrates
that the prologue
did indeed have a Gnostic background.64 Robinson
attempts to draw
thirteen parallels between Protennoia and John's
prologue, but they are
not convincing. Furthermore, Turner dates the
Protennoia to around A.D.
200.65 Thus, if there are any parallels
between the two texts,
it seems more likely that the prologue of
John's
Gospel was the source for Protennoia and not vice
versa.66
CONCLUSION
The thirteen NH codices have
significantly impacted the study of
early Christianity.
Gnosticism is no longer known only from the
outside, from what
opponents of the movement recorded. Now the
Gnostic
teachings can be read firsthand in the forty tractates unique
to the NH library. And thus, the
growth of Christianity and attendant
heresies are better
documented and more clearly understood.
The NH library also provides helpful
background to the NT.
Heresies
are already being confronted in the NT, and though evidence
is lacking to identify those
heresies clearly with the Gnosticism of the
second century,
similarities in some of the false teachings are un-
mistakable. However,
students of the NT should be careful not to
interpret NT references
to concepts such as dualism and docetism,
which later became
elements in the doctrine of the second century
Gnostic sects, as evidence of Gnosticism
in the first century. It is true
63 Ibid., 254.
64 James M.
Robinson, "Gnosticism and the New Testament," in Gnosis: Festschrift
fur Hans Jonas, ed. Barbara Aland (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1978)
128-31.
65 John D. Turner,
"Introduction to the Trimorphic Protennoia," in The Nag
Hammadi Library in English, 461.
66 Edwin Yamauchi,
"Jewish Gnosticism? The Prologue of John, Mandaean
Parallels,
and the Trimorphic Protennoia,"
in Studies in Gnosticism and Hellenistic
Religions, ed. R. van den
Broek and M. J. Vermaseren
(Leiden: Brill, 1981) 467-97.
212
GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
that the roots of
Gnosticism can be found in the Judaism, Christianity,
and paganism of the first century,
but classical Gnosticism has not yet
been documented
before the second century.
In this article it has only been
possible to touch on several of the
specific areas of NT
interpretation where the NH library is now being
appealed to as a source
of new light. Since the interpretation of the
library is still in its
infancy, students of the NT will undoubtedly be
hearing more about NH
in the future. However, an important issue
for NT studies will continue to be
the question of pre-Christian
Gnosticism. Now that all
the tractates have been published, we can be
assured, as Yamauchi
has put it, "that there are no unexploded
bombshells.”67
Although it is possible that a strong case may yet be
made for
non-Christian Gnosticism in some of the texts, non-
Christian
is not necessarily pre-Christian. Furthermore, NH has not
produced any Gnostic
documents that are prior to or even con-
temporary with the birth
of Christianity.
Although Bultmann's
hypothesis-that the source of Pauline and
Johannine theology can be
found in Gnostic literature-has been
adopted in some reference
works, such as the Theological Dictionary
of the New Testament, the evidence
is unconvincing. In response to
Bultmann, Guthrie's
statement that Gnostic studies have "little value"
for students of NT theology is
apropos.68 The distinction, then, is
between background and
source. The NH library is useful to the NT
scholar as a background
for the growing problem in the church with
heresy, but Gnosticism
was not the source for the teachings of the
NT.
67 Yamauchi,
"Pre-Christian Gnosticism in the Nag Hammadi
Texts?" 130.
Yamauchi
has not changed his mind since that statement was made in 1979. See his
"Pre-Christian
Gnosticism, the New Testament and Nag Hammadi in
Recent Debate,"
Themelios 10 (1984)
22-27.
68 Donald Guthrie,
New Testament Theology (
Varsity, 1981) 68.
:
Grace Theological Seminary
www.grace.edu
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