Cities of Refuge
Much of the Mosaic legislation
contained in the
Pentateuch
seems foreign to the modern reader. The laws
concerning
the priesthood, the sacrificial system, and the
religious
holidays are neither practiced nor paralleled in the
dispensation
of the church. Though they do have didactic and
illustrative
value as types of the work of Christ, they are often
rushed
over or skipped altogether in personal Bible study.
The Old Testament legislation
concerning so-called
moral
law has received greater attention.
Since it addresses
many
issues which are also social problems in the twentieth
century,
it is frequently lifted from its Old Testament context
and
applied to contemporary society.
Provisions for dealing
with
cases of adultery, homosexuality, theft, and murder in
such
treatment. Several minority
political/religious groups even
advocate
a complete return to Old Testament-style political
regulations
and policies.
It is within the context of this
debate that the Old
Testament
legal provisions concerning the city of refuge should
be
studied. These cities were designated
locations to which one
who
was guilty of accidental homicide1 could flee in order to
receive
legal protection and a fair trial. They
were part of the
ancient
legal system which recognized the right and even the
l This paper will refer
to an accidental homicide as
manslaughter
and a deliberate homicide as murder.
2 Cities of Refuge
responsibility
of the nearest relative of a dead victim to put the
murderer
to death. Since modem society is again embracing the
death
penalty, it will be wise to consider the function and use of
the
city of refuge in order to determine if it is in any way
relevant
for modern society.
The legislation concerning cities of
refuge is found in
Exodus
21:12-14; Numbers 35:9-34; Deuteronomy 4:41-43;
19:1-13;
and Joshua 20:1-9. There are several relevant
examples
from the historical books of the concepts of refuge
and
blood vengeance found in n Samuel 21 and I Kings 1-2.
The
goal of this paper is to summarize the Old Testament
legislation
on this aspect of Israelite society, and then to
determine
if it has any applicability to the current age. To that
end,
the paper will first examine several critical theories both
which
erode the value of the Old Testament as a historical
document
in general and as a clear witness to the validity of
this
legislation in particular, and which challenge the provisions
of
the law as barbaric. Second, a brief summary of the teaching
of
the passages mentioning cities of refuge will be made,
carefully
noting the similarities and differences between them.
After
synthesizing the passages into a summary of the Old
Testament
teaching on the subject, its relevance for modern
criminal
justice will be examined. The study will be limited
only
to those aspects of Hebrew law which are relevant to the
legislation
governing the cities of refuge and will not analyze
any
of the other offenses for which capital punishment is
mandated
( adultery, dishonor to parents, etc.). Nor will it
systematically
compare Old Testament law to other ancient
near
eastern systems of law, except when relevant for the
present
study. Finally, no attempt will be made to explore the
relationship
between the six named cities of refuge in Joshua
20:7-8
and the 48 Levitical cities in Joshua 21.
Critical Theories
Textual
Development
The legislation concerning the cities of
refuge does not
occur
in one text of the Scriptures, nor are all the mandates
listed
in one scripture text. Due to this fact, it is possible to
discover
apparent "discrepancies" between the various pieces
of
legislation. For example, Exodus 21:13-14 indicates that
God
would appoint a place for the manslayer to flee, but that
this
protection would not extend to the one guilty of murder.
The
one guilty of murder was to be removed even from the
altar
of God and put to death. Though this place is distinct from
the
altar mentioned in verse 14, it is unclear exactly where it
will
be located.2
Conversely, Numbers 35 and Deuteronomy
19 speak of
the
establishment of cities of refuge for the one guilty of
manslaughter
without mentioning any altar. These variations in
the
texts have been exploited by source-critical scholars
holding
to a late date for the book of Deuteronomy in line with
the
theory that it was produced as a part of Josiah's reform
movement.
Milgrom, for instance states,
What is the relationship between the
asylum altar and
the asylum cities? Most critics hold
that asylum cities
were designated by Israelite rulers to
replace the
anarchic power of the altar to grant
asylum, but they
are divided on when the change took
place. Some opt
for the reign of David and Solomon, and
some for
Josiah.3
2 Moshe
Greenberg, "The Biblical Conception of Asylum,"
Journal of
Biblical Literature
78 (June 1959): 123.
3 Jacob Milgrom, "Santa Contagion and Altar/City
Asylm," Congress Volume
4 Cities of Refuge
Proponents
of the theory usually note that it was necessary to
eliminate
the prominence of local altars as Josiah worked for
religious
reform since they had become centers for idol
worship,
and that the asylum cities were established in order to
replace
this one particular function of the altar. The theory
holds
that since Deuteronomy does not even mention the altar
that,
"the sole conclusion. . . is that D[Deuteronomy] no longer
knew
of the institution of the asylum altar. If the altar was
replaced
by the city, it happened long before D”4 Since the
Bible
clearly records Adonijah and Joab
requesting asylum by
grabbing
on to the altar in I Kings 1 and 2, the conclusion
supported
by this critical theory is that Deuteronomy was
written
no earlier than the time of Solomon.
This conclusion of critical scholarship
is both wrong and
unnecessary.
That there is a certain evolution in the concept of
asylum
cannot be denied, but it is the product of progressive
revelation
over a relatively short period of time instead of the
product
of religious decline over many centuries. Exodus 21,
penned
at the beginning of
written
to a group of people living as nomads gathered in one
central
location. Presumably, an accidental murder might have
been
committed, in which case the guilty party would flee for
protection
to the altar within the camp. Exodus, therefore,
merely
mentions that at some future time, God will establish
places
for them to flee while leaving the function of the altar as
a
place of asylum intact. In Numbers and Deuteronomy,
however,
the people are on the verge of entering the land and
their
manner of life is about to change. They are about to be
split
into their tribal groups and spread throughout a large
geographic
area. At this point, they receive instructions
concerning
the number and location of the cities. They are also
Supplements
to Vetus Testamentum, vol.
32 (
1981),
297.
4 Ibid., 304.
given
laws concerning the determination of whether a killing
was
a murder or a manslaughter. Since Moses the lawgiver
was
present and acted as a judge among the people, these
principles
were certainly followed by him when judging such
cases.
Now, however, these laws are recorded in view of the
impending
dispersion of the people through the land. Tigay
suggests
this when he writes,
Exodus
accidental killers may flee, but that
intentional killers
are to be denied even the time-honored
asylum of the
altar. . . . Numbers 35:9-34 fleshes out
the law. . . . It
describes circumstances which create a
prima facie
case that the killing was intentional
and a smaller
number of conditions establishing that
it may not have
been.5
In
similar fashion, Craigie advocates that, Deuteronomy
19:1-
13
seems to be an expansion of the simpler
law contained
in Exodus
in the sanctuary of the Lord) offered
protection. . . . As
the Israelites took possession of the
land, however, the
sanctuary and its altar would be located
a considerable
distance away from the majority of the
population”6
5 Jeffrey H. Tigay, Deuteronomy,
The JPS Torah
Commentary
(Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society, 1996),
179.
6 Peter C. Craigie, Deuteronomy,
The New International
Commentary
on the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1976),
265.
6 Cities of Refuge
Therefore,
the variations in the legislation concerning
manslaughter
and cities of refuge indicate the sociological
transformation
time.
They indicate progressive revelation, not a slow,
humanly-produced
process of religious evolution culminating
in
a reform movement.
Status as a
Humane Punishment
The second controversy stirred by
critical theorists is to
consider
the inherent morality of the whole concept of capital
punishment
and the accompanying legislation concerning the
cities
of refuge. The fact that someone's life is to be taken from
them
has been assumed to be a barbaric vestige of ancient
civilization.
The law, however, always fits the punishment to
the
crime; and since murder requires that one lose his life, it is
indicative
of the high regard which the Scriptures reflect for
human
life. This high regard is especially evident when
compared
to the punishments prescribed by other ancient Near
Eastern
cultures for similar offenses. Greenberg remarks that
the
insistence of life for life to the exclusion of monetary
compensation--a
severity unparalleled in ancient Near Eastern
law
and which had its counterpart in the refusal to consider any
offense
against property worthy of the death penalty--was
equally
unheard of in all Near Eastern systems but the Hittite.7
Other ancient systems of law allowed the
family of the
victim
to receive financial compensation from the murderer. As
Greenberg
states,
Not the archaicness
of the biblical law of homicide
relative to that of the cuneiform codes,
nor the
progressiveness of the biblical law of
theft relative to
7 Greenberg,
"The Biblical Conception of Asylum," 129.
that of
the evaluation of life and property
separates the one
from the others. In the biblical law a
religious
evaluation; in non-biblical, an economic
and political
evaluation predominates.8
The
Old Testament law, therefore, can in no sense be viewed
as
an archaic and outdated barbarism. The fact that the most
valuable
of all commodities, human life, should be prized and
protected
in so many instances and taken away in other
instances
is certainly paradoxical to the thought processes of
fallen
human reasoning, but it is the only penalty for murder
which
is just.
The legislation regarding the cities of
refuge fit in as a
part
of this high regard the Old Testament law holds for human
life.
In many ancient societies, the administration of justice was
largely
a private matter to be dealt with by individuals. The
"aspiration
[of the laws] to control vengeance by making it
possible
for public justice to intervene between the slayer and
the
avenger has long been recognized as an advance over the
prior
custom of regarding homicide as a purely private matter
to
be settled between the families of the two parties”9 City of
refuge
legislation, therefore, was the instrument by which each
accused
killer had the opportunity to receive due process.
Before
one could be put to death, he had to stand trial before
the
congregation/elders and be declared guilty. It also removed
the
automatic protection the ancient custom of grabbing the
horns
of the altar provided to anyone, whether innocent or
8 Moshe
Greenberg, "Some Postulates of Biblical Criminal
Law,"
A Song of Power and the Power of Song,
ed. Duane L.
Christensen.
Sources for Biblical and Theological Study, vol. 3
(Winona
Lake, Eisenbrauns, 1993), 292-3.
9 Greenberg,
"The Biblical Conception of Asylum," 125.
8 Cities of Refuge
guilty.10
Miscarriage of justice occurs when either the guilty go
free
or the innocent are punished. The city of refuge legislation
has
the specific purpose of avoiding either extreme.
Texts Relation to Cities of Refuge
Having examined the critical theories
which challenge
both
the historical development of the legislation and its status
as
a moral and fair punishment, it is now time to examine the
various
passages which established the cities of refuge.
Exodus 21:12-14
This passage occurs in a section of laws
establishing the
death
penalty. The general principle stated in verse 12 is that
one
who strikes a person so that he dies must also be put to
death.
The exception given for the law is in cases of
premeditated
murder. If the killer did not lie in wait (Hebrew
hdAcA), thus
indicating a calculated murder, then he was to have
the
opportunity to flee to a place of safety. According to verse
14,
the one who did act with treachery toward any comrade
was
a murderer and would have to be put to death. The one
guilty
of murder was to be taken from the altar itself and put to
death.
Two curious features are present in the
text. First, the
exact
nature of the homicide is ambiguous. It may refer to a
crime
of passion,11 which takes place in the heat of an
argument
and is not premeditated. It may refer to an accidental
death.
The Hebrew in Exodus 21:13 states:
10 Milgrom, "Santa Contagion and Altar/City Asylum,"
note
84,
309.
11 John
3
(Waco: Word Books, 1987), 322.
vdoyAl;
hn.Axi Myhilox<hAv; hdAcA xlo
rw,xEva
The
English translation of the phrases reads "but if he did not
lie
in wait, but God let him fall into
his hand." The subject of
the
first phrase is the third person "he," while the subject of the
second
phrase is the third person "God." Thus the text
represents
the primary mover in the death of the individual as a
different
person in each case. As Sarna concludes, "the
theological
assumption is that the death of the victim occurred
by
the intervention of
unwitting
agent."12 Verse 14 repeats the same basic
premise
from
the perspective of the one who is worthy of death. The
Hebrew,
hmAr;fAb;
Onr;hAl; Uhrere-lfa wyxi dziyA-ykiv; is translated
"but if a
man
acts presumptuously against his neighbor in order to kill
him
with cunning." Smith defines the meaning of the verb dyz
as,
"connected to individuals or nations who presume to have
authority
or rights that are not legitimately theirs. This may
involve
an attitude or behavior that ignores or rejects the
validity
of God's authority to control Israelites by his laws."13
Thus
the legislation involved in the verse is directed to anyone
who
takes the life of another without having the judicial
authorization
to do so, unless the death can be ruled an
accident.
The legislation would also presumably apply to a
crime
of passion. Even a crime of passion requires that one
person
find a tactical advantage against another person which
he
may exploit in order to kill the person. Furthermore, in the
same
context verse 18 stipulates regulations for reparations to
12 Nahunl M. Sarna, Exodus, The JPS Torah Commentary
(Philadelphia:
The Jewish Publication Society, 1991), 122, believes
that
"Hebrew makom,
like its Arabic cognate maqum,
probably
means
here 'sacred site,' a sanctuary"
13
Old Testament
Theology and Exegesis,
ed. Willen A. VanGemeren
(Grand
Rapids: Zondervan, 1997), 1:1094.
10 Cities of Refuge
be
made when two men fight. If the injured man thoroughly
recovers,
the other party is liable only for the loss of income
during
the time the man recovered. The provision is valid,
however,
only if the man does not die. If a death occurs, then
presumably
the one who caused it is then liable to death. The
place
of asylum envisioned in the passage then is for situations
of
accidental, unpremeditated murder. It is not for cases of
premeditated
murder, regardless of the time lapse between the
decision
to kill another and the commission of the act.
The second issue to resolve concerns the
location of the
asylum
which is provided as a refuge for the manslayer. Verse
13
indicates that God will appoint a "place" (MvqmA) to which the
manslayer
may flee.14 The corresponding legislation of verse
14
states that one who does not meet the qualifications for
innocence
because he committed premeditated murder is to be
taken
from the altar and put to death. The perfect verb in verse
13
looks to the point in time when
will
have provided a definite place for them to go to deal with
such
matters. Verse 14 indicates that even the time-honored
asylum
given by an altar will not deliver a murderer from his
punishment.
The passage, therefore, envisions a specific place,
whether
referring to a holy site or a city, to which one guilty of
manslaughter
must go for asylum. The exact relationship
between
the altar and the asylum city is never specified.
Numbers 35:9-34
Numbers 35 is the next passage which
addresses legal
provisions
for places of asylum. This passage, which
introduces
the term "city of refuge," expands greatly upon the
general
provisions set forth in Exodus 21:12-14. Speaking of
this
contrast, Ashley writes,
14 cf. fn. 12.
The law of Exod. 21:13-14 allowed for
temporary
asylum, but did not designate the place
(except to say
that it may be at an altar) or define
how long the
asylum may last. The current passage
more carefully
distinguishes murder from unintentional
killing. . . puts
responsibility for determining guilt or
innocence in the
hands of the congregation. ..and defines
the time
period of the guilty party's stay in a
city of refuge.15
Apparently,
the Exodus legislation sets forth the broad
guideline
stating that God requires
for
an asylum for the manslayer. God's instructions to Moses in
Numbers
35 are designed to be carried out at a specific point in
time
as indicated by the temporal clause in v. 10 (yKi). The
details
outlined are to be implemented when
the
Verses 11-15 indicate the purpose,
number, and location
of
the cities. The city of refuge was to be a place where the
manslayer
who killed someone inadvertently might flee.16 The
manslayer
was to go to the city so that he would not be put to
death
by the avenger17 of blood until he had opportunity to
15 Timothy R.
Ashley, Numbers, The New
International
Commentary
on the Old Testament (
1993),
650.
16 The Hebrew word
hgAgAw; , meaning
"unintentional," is used
to
"signify an inadvertant error or mistake arising
form the routine
experiences
of daily living" Andrew E. Hill, "hgAgAw;," in New
International
Dictionary of Old Testament Theology and Exegesis,
ed.
William A. VanGemeren (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1997),
4:42.
The word is used frequently in the Pentateuch (often with the
verb
xFH, to sin) to
refer to the sacrifice which must be made for sins
which
were not committed in defiance of God, or high-handed sins.
17 According to
Leviticus 25:47-49 the redeemer, who in this
case
acted on behalf of an impoverished Israelite, was a near relative.
The
responsibility of redemption or vengeance fell first to a brother,
12 Cities of Refuge
stand
trial before the congregation.
such
cities, three on each side of the
to
be for the use of any Israelite, resident alien, or sojourner.18
Verses 16-24 stipulate criteria for
determining whether
a
killing qualifies as accidental or premeditated. The criteria for
determining
culpability concern the murder weapon and the
killer's
mental state. Several types of instruments might be
used.
Verse 16 states that if the killer used an iron implement,
then
he is a murderer and must be put to death. At this period
in
history, iron was employed only in the production of
weapons,19
which would be a certain indication that the killing
was
intentional. Weapons or tools of stone or wood which
could
be held in one's hand and were potentially dangerous
were
also "considered. . . [to be] murder weapon[s] by
definition”20
The type of weapon was important because it gave
an
indication of the killer's intent when he struck the victim.
Verses 20-22 indicate other possible
means of death.
These
are means of death which do not so obviously indicate a
hostile
predisposition toward the victim, so the killer's
psychological
condition becomes a factor. If the victim was
pushed
to his death because of hatred, then the killing was
punishable
by death. If something was thrown at the victim
from
a concealed position (while "lying in wait"), then the killer
was
again judged guilty of murder since a deliberate act was
involved.
Verse 22 makes even the hands a possible murder
then
an uncle, then a cousin, then finally any blood relative from his
family.
18 The two Hebrew
terms employed here, rG and bwAOT
may
refer to resident aliens with varying levels of attachment to the
community,
or they may function as virtually equivalent terms
(function
as a hendiadys).
19 Jacob Milgrom, Numbers,
The JPS Torah Commentary
(Philadelphia:
The Jewish Publication Society, 1990), 292.
20 Ashley, Numbers, 652.
weapon,
providing that the killer struck down his victim
because
of hate.
Conversely, verses 23 -24 indicate
evidence which will
clear
one of murder charges. If the death resulted from pushing
or
a thrown object, but there was no history of hostility between
the
individuals, then the killing should be ruled accidental. If a
stone
object was accidentally dropped on a person so that he
died,
then the killing was again ruled to be accidental.
The type of the weapon used and the
state of mind of the
killer
are the key factors to determine for the adjudication of the
legal
case. The provision might apply to modern cases as
follows.
In a case where a pedestrian was shoved into a line of
oncoming
traffic, the killing would be ruled accidental if the
killer
merely stumbled and pushed his companion into a
dangerous
position. Had, however, there been previous hostility
between
the two, then he would be judged a murderer. A
contemporary
illustration of this might be a death caused by a
gunshot
wound. It would also be considered a murder because
a
gun is a weapon. The only exception might be on the basis of
verse
23, which allows for an accidental death caused by a
deadly
object of stone. A hunting accident in which the shooter
did
not see an improperly dressed human would be an excellent
example.
The congregation is the judge in such
cases according to
the
above mentioned ordinances (v. 24). Should the killer be
found
guilty of murder, then he was to be put to death. If the
congregation
determined that the killing was accidental, then
the
killer was reprimanded to the city of refuge until the death
of
the high priest. After the death of the high priest, the
manslayer
would be free to return to his home. If, however, he
were
to venture from the city of refuge, he could be put to
death
by the avenger of blood, the next of kin of the deceased.
Verses 29-33 begin with an indication
that the
statements
given are considered ordinances or binding judicial
procedures.
Verse 30 requires that the death penalty not be
14 Cities of Refuge
carried
out unless there is more than one witness. Presumably
this
might include circumstantial evidence as well as verbal
testimony,21
although the text does not specifically state it.
Verses
31-32 disallow any provision for a monetary settlement
in
lieu of the previously stated punishment for both the
murderer
and the manslayer. Verses 33-34 indicate that
following
the stipulations will be the only way to avoid
polluting
the land in which Yahweh dwells.
These provisions raise two questions.
First, since the
killing
was accidental, why was the manslayer liable to any
punishment
at all? Greenberg explains that,
it must first be recognized that
whenever an innocent
man is slain, the law considers the
slayer guilty in a
measure. The reason lies in the ultimate
respect that the
Scriptures have for human life and for
the land as the
dwelling place of Yahweh Himself.
Shedding an
innocent man's blood, even
unintentionally, involved
bloodguilt, and no manslayer was
considered clear of
this guilt.”22
The
city of refuge therefore had a punitive as well as protective
effect.
This guilt is further borne out in that the man who was
convicted
only of manslaughter was safe from harm only as
long
as he stayed in the city. Were he to leave, the avenger of
blood
could execute him without fear of reprisal. This might
also
provide a necessary balance to the system. The system for
determining
the level of culpability relied in part upon
determining
the state of mind of the killer toward the victim. It
is
possible that hate was involved, but that it was a secret hate
which
was unknown to the congregation. It is therefore
21 Ralph D. Mawdsley, "Capital Punishment in Genesis
9:6,"
Central Bible Quarterly 18 (Summer
1975):22.
22 Greenberg,
"The Biblical Conception of Asylum," 127.
possible
that a guilty person might erroneously be proclaimed
innocent.
If this was indeed the intent of the law, then the
confinement
of the city of refuge functioned as a probationary
period.
Vashalz comments that,
The innocence of the accused and his
willingness to
submit to proper authority was to be
demonstrated
by his remaining in the city of refuge
as long as the
High Priest lived. . . The Levitical city of refuge,
then, was not a prison but a haven for
those who
could demonstrate a true regard for law
and not a
murderous spirit.23
It
must be noted that the text nowhere states that this was the
rationale
for the legislation. Practically, however, the law would
have
had this effect.
The second question concerns the
rationale for the death
of
the high priest marking the terminus of the confinement to
the
city of refuge. The most prominent theory is based on
theological
considerations. Since the shedding of blood defiled
the
land whether it was accidental or not, then a death was
necessary
in order to expiate and cleanse the land. Yahweh
could
not be satisfied in any other way. Since a person, made in
the
image of Yahweh, had been killed, an animal sacrifice was
inappropriate.
Due to his position, therefore, the high priest
was
the most logical candidate to secure this propitiation.24 It
should
be noted, however, that the text does not specifically
23 Robert Vasholz, "
19
(Fall 1993): 117. Vasholz believes this stems from
the judicial
function
of the High Priest in
death,
then would signal "the end of a judicial era and thus signal. . .
amnesty
for those confined to cities of refuge."
24 Ibid., 130.
16 Cities of Refuge
state
this and it is an exception to the provision for sacrifice that
God
made for all other types of unintentional sins.
The other possibility rests on a more
practical
consideration.
It is more in line with the nature of the murder
which
was considered random in the case of involuntary
manslaughter.
Whereas "the deliberate homicide is deliberately
put
to death; the involuntary homicide who took life by chance
must
await the chance of the High Priest's death in order to be
released
from the asylum city.25 This in itself would have
tended
to limit the claimants to the protection of a city of refuge
to
those who really were innocent of murder. Anyone who
claimed
the protection of the city of refuge was admitting his
guilt
and his willingness to accept a confinement to the city of
refuge
which might last for years. Claimants to this protection
might
have done so merely out of fear for their own lives, but it
is
more likely that the innocent, law-abiding citizen would have
done
so. True criminals seek to avoid any punishment.
Deuteronomy
4:41-43; 19:1-13.
Deuteronomy 4:41-43 is a simple
historical notation that
Moses
set up three cities of refuge on the east side of the
Golan
in Bashan were assigned to the Reubenities, the
Gadities, and the Manassites respectively. Their geographic
distribution
was therefore sufficiently wide to make them
accessible
to anyone on the east of the
them.
Deuteronomy 19:1 begins the next
relevant section with
a
temporal reference to the future time when
the
land.26 The command to set aside three cities of refuge on
25 Milgrom, Numbers,
510.
26 The Hebrew,
identical to Numbers 35:10, uses the
subordinating
conjunction yKi to indicate the
temporal clause.
the
west side of the
people
the additional responsibility of preparing the roads
leading
to the cities. This command, in conjunction with the
wide
distribution of the cities throughout the land, insured that
they
would be easily accessible to anyone needing asylum.
Verses
4-6 are a parenthetical statement of the conditions under
which
one may be granted asylum in a city of refuge. The
information
given is largely similar to that contained in
Numbers
35 with one exception. There is a danger that the
manslayer
may be put to death because the journey to the city
of
refuge is too long, and this is obviously meant to be a
justification
for the number and location of the cities of refuge.
Verses
8-10 add another qualification, noting that if Yahweh
enlarges
the
attention
to the details of the covenant, then they are to appoint
three
more cities within their territory to be cities of refuge.
Verses
11-13 repeat the qualification that one guilty of
premeditated
murder must be put to death in order to secure
the
blessing of Yahweh upon the land. Thus the major
contribution
of this section is the responsibility of the nation to
provide
adequate places for the manslayer where he could flee
to
safety quickly. It was a national, not merely an individual,
concern.
Joshua 20:1-9
In a style reminiscent of His dealings with
Moses, God
commanded
Joshua to establish the previously prescribed cities
of
refuge. The purpose for the cities is again stated in verses 3-
4
as providing a place of refuge from the avenger of blood for
one
who is guilty of manslaughter. The additional qualification
is
given that the one requesting such asylum must stand before
the
elders at the gate of the city to present his case. Whether or
not
an altar is involved in such proceedings is not stated. If they
18 Cities of Refuge
determine
that the slaying was indeed accidental, then he shall
be
granted asylum within the city.
The text then reiterates several more of
the provisions of
the
law (the provisions protecting him from the avenger of
blood
and the stipulation that he may return to his own city
after
the death of the high priest). Verses 7-9 contain the names
of
the cities which were appointed as cities of refuge, including
those
which were appointed by Moses on the eastern side of
the
of
the Reubenite city of
were
evenly spread throughout the land and located along
ancient
highways. The distribution of the cities was in
accordance
with the Mosaic legislation and provided easy
access
for anyone who might need to flee to them.
References in
the Historical Books
Unfortunately, the Bible contains no
references to the
use
of the city of refuge for a manslayer. It does, however,
contain
several references to the concepts of asylum at the altar
and
bloodguilt. The first mention of asylum requested at the
altar
is in 1 Kings 1:50. After Solomon was crowned king, his
main
rival Adonijah requested asylum by grabbing hold of
the
horns
of the altar. Though there is no loss of life involved,
Adonijah's flight to the
altar is consistent with the recognized
use
of the altar. Gray remarks that,
the fugitive from vengeance, having thus
made contact
with the part of the altar where union
with God was
effected by the blood of sacrifice, was
regarded as . . .
the protected sojourner of God . . . The
hand of the
avenger was thus stayed till his case
was considered
and settled if possible without
bloodshed"27
Thus
Adonijah was simply afraid for his life and claimed
the
protection
of the altar and the right to a legal hearing of his
case.
1 Kings 2:28-33 records the second case.
Here, Joab
requests
asylum at the altar. It is possible that he requests such
asylum
for the same reason as Adonijah: he was part of a rival
faction
to the throne. If so, then the events are unrelated to the
legislation
concerning the cities of refuge. It is, however,
possible
that he feared Solomon would not hesitate as David
had
to act against him for the murders of Abner and Amasa (2
Samuel
3 and 2 Samuel 20). Whatever Joab's motivation was,
Solomon's
is perfectly clear. He refuses to grant asylum since
Joab’s case in no way
qualifies him to receive the protection of
the
altar. Though the events seem to be at variance with the
regulations
to bring the accused before the elders and try him
there,
it should be noted that a different system of government
existed
in
authority
in the land,28 especially concerning matters of his own
court,
and both David and Solomon have decreed that Joab
must
be put to death as a murderer.
Several passages address the related
concept of
bloodguilt.
2 Samuel 21 contains the record of a three-year
famine
in
the
reason for the famine, he was told that it was because Saul
had
massacred a number of Gibeonites with whom
27 Jolm Gray, I & II
Kings, The Old Testament Library
(Philadelphia:
nle Westminster Press, 1976), 96.
28 For example, I
Kings
Judge.
Solomon's decision regarding the two prostitutes is declared to
be
a FPAw;mi. This word is
used generally to refer to various aspects of
the
judicial process.
20 Cities of Refuge
non-aggression
pact dating back to the time of Joshua. The
second
reference to bloodguilt is made by King Solomon after
he
orders the execution of Joab. He notes that the
execution
will
"'take away the innocent blood, which Joab shed,
from me,
and
from the house of my father" and that "'upon David, and
upon
his seed, and upon his house, and upon his throne, shall
there
be peace for ever from the LORD." The passages show
that
it was generally understood that guilt, which resulted from
murder,
would rob one from the blessing of Yahweh. One may
conclude,
therefore, that godly Israelites understood that the
shedding
of blood defiled the land in which Yahweh dwelled.
The
primary motivation for the legislation concerning murder in
general
and the cities of refuge in particular was theological
instead
of humanitarian or social.
Summary of City
of
It is now possible to summarize the
legislation
concerning
cities of refuge. Altar asylum was a time-honored
custom
in the ancient Near East. It appears that the custom
continued
at least into the reign of Solomon as a claim for
amnesty
or protection for certain types of offenses. On the basis
of
Exodus 21, however, it was never to grant asylum privileges
automatically.
Such determinations had to be made on a case
by
case basis.
The city of refuge was established for
the manslayer.
Were
one guilty of the crime, he had to immediately flee to one
of
six so designated cities. He may have requested asylum by
grabbing
hold of the altar and then being brought before the
elders
of the city of refuge or he may simply have gone directly
to
the elders as they sat in the gate (Joshua 20:4). If the elders
believed
he had a case which warranted granting of asylum
privileges,
then he was accepted into the city. He was to remain
in
the city until he was able to stand trial before the
congregation,
presumably of his own city (Joshua 20:6;
Numbers
35:24), so that he would not be put to death by the
avenger
of blood. The criteria used to determine the guilt of the
killer
were the type of weapon he used and his mental state
toward
the victim. Were he known to be guilty, then the elders
of
his own city were to send to the city of refuge and have him
delivered
to the avenger of blood so he would be put to death
(Deuteronomy
19:12).
If he were judged to be guilty of
manslaughter, then he
was
returned to his city of refuge, where he was to live until the
death
of the high priest. There was not possibility of parole
from
this banishment, nor was there the possibility of making a
financial
settlement with the family of the deceased; only the
death
of the high priest set him free. If he were to leave the city
prematurely,
then the avenger of blood could put him to death
without
fear of reprisal. The reason stated for the regulations is
not
to act as a deterrent to come, although it certainly
functioned
as such. Nor is it to maintain a sense of social
justice
within
specified
reason is theological. Any shedding of innocent blood
would
defile the land in which Yahwah dwelled. The failure
to
execute
a murderer would defile the land, for no other
punishment
was fitting for this crime. The execution of a
manslayer
would also pollute the land in which Yahweh
dwelled,
unless he was put to death because he left his city of
refuge.
This provision had the practical effect of a probationary
period
to determine the true character of the accused.
A Tentative Modern
Application
The provision for cities of refuge has
most recently been
used
as a justification for various sanctuary movements.29 Such
29 See D. Auckemlan, "City of
(January
1984):22-26, M. Mawyer, "Sanctuary
Movements,"
Fundamentalist
Journal
5 (October 1986):59-62, and William C.
22 Cities of Refuge
movements
have provided a place of safety for those who may
be
in danger due to political, ethnic, or religious persecution in
their
own countries. The desire to protect innocent lives which
motivates
many members of the sanctuary movement certainly
corresponds
to the regulations for the cities of refuge which
were
designed to preserve the life of the manslayer and avoid
shedding
innocent blood (e.g. the manslayer was protected in
the
city; there were six such cities which also had to be easily
accessible).
God has always placed a high premium on the
value
of human life, so when it is endangered unjustly, it should
be
protected. It should be noted, however, this principle has
been
abused by those seeking to promote a particular political
agenda
in the United States.30 Since the city of refuge was for
the
use of the manslayer in a society where certain matters of
justice
were left in the hands of the individual, it would seem
that
the asylum city best supports the concept of due process.
The
farther any application strays from this purpose, the more
likely
it is to be in error.
The most obvious application comes in
the realm of our
judicial
system. Making such applications is difficult. It must
be
remembered that the law was done away with on the cross
and
that
It
is also very unlikely that any modern government will pattern
its
procedures after Biblical law, so much of what is suggested
here
belongs to the realm of the theoretical. It should also be
remembered
that as a small largely agrarian society this system
of
justice worked better than it would work in modern
Ryan,
"The Historical Case for the Right of Sanctuary?" Journal of
Church and State 29 (Spring
1987): 209-32 for more information on
these
movements.
30 Mawyer,
"Sanctuary Movements," 59-62.
society.31
Yet the law was still the flawless revealed will of
God
and contains many principles which are reiterated in the
New
Testament. The theocracy as established by God qualifies
as
the best government ever established. In the one instance
where
God reached down into human history and established a
government,
this is the government that He established. It will
encourage
the individual Christian to see the order and justice
of
God as revealed in the law, as opposed to the system man
has
established. With these qualifications in mind, a brief
analysis
of modem legal concepts in light of God's can now
proceed.
Modern jurisprudence is built on the
belief that the
accused is innocent until proven guilty.
Every protection,
therefore,
is afforded to him. The city of refuge afforded this
type
of protection as well, but it was not automatic. The
manslayer
had to first get himself to the city of refuge. If he did
not,
or if he did not stay there until the death of the high priest,
then
he could be put to death without the avenger of blood
incurring
guilt. As such, confinement to the city functioned as a
probationary
period. Violation of the period was incurred for
the
simple act of leaving the city of refuge. This seems highly
preferable
to the modern system. The system established by
God
is fair to the accused without going too far to protect his
rights.
It realized that certain rights might be forfeited and
perscribed a strong punishment
if the defendant waived his
protection
to those rights.
The second comparison applies to certain
trial
procedures
and the admissibility of evidence. The manslayer
had
to represent himself before the elders of the city of refuge
and
before the elders of his own city. Modern jurisprudence
seeks
to avoid producing incorrect verdicts by finding people
31 See Gordan J. Wenham, "Law and the Legal System in
the
Old Testament," Law, Morality and
the Bible, ed. Bruce Kaye
and
Gordan Wenham (Downer's Grove: InterVarsity,
1978), 44-46.
24 Cities of Refuge
who
do not know any of the details of a case and are
supposedly
unbiased. This system required the participation of
those
who knew the killer (the elders of his own city) and those
who
probably knew nothing about him (the elders of the city of
refuge).
The judges in this case were also the jury. Though
anyone
is subject to rendering a false judgment, the men put in
charge
of these matters were the ones who had the most
experience
and the respect of their communities.
The major difference is seen in the
motivation driving
the
entire legal apparatus. Modern thought is tainted by the
belief
in the supremacy of man. The system is built on the
concept
that the highest good is to avoid punishing an innocent
man
and in the process allows the guilty to go free. This Old
Testament
system is driven from start to finish by the notion
that
murder pollutes the land in which Yahweh dwells. This
system
could and did break down. It could be abused as can
any
system. If the people were not faithful to the God of the
covenant,
then any system would not have worked anyhow.
That
is perhaps the greatest lesson to be learned. Only one who
fears
God will be scrupulous to punish the guilty with the
proper
punishment while letting the innocent go free.
Conclusion
City of
and
protect the innocent. It was important to follow the
procedures
laid down in order to have the blessing of God upon
the
nation. In practice, however,
law
about as well as it followed the rest of God's laws. There
are
ways in which the system could conceivably be abused.
Abuses,
however, cannot be attributed to any weakness in the
system,
but to the weakness of those who ran the system. On a
personal
level, Paul noted in Romans 7:8 that "sin, taking
occasion
by the commandment, wrought in me all manner of
concupiscence."
the
law are an extension of the principle which is visible on a
much
wider level. The main contribution of a study of the Old
Testament,
then, should be to cause the believer to look
forward
to the day when Christ reigns on earth and does apply
all
of His laws consistently in order to establish justice on earth.
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