THE PRE-MOSAIC TITHE:
ISSUES AND IMPLICATIONS
Mark A. Snoeberger*
In Leviticus 27 the Mosaic Law expressly commands the practice of
codifying it for all
and economic obligation for the advancement of the nation. This
codification, however, was by no means the birth of the tithe, but a new
expression of the ancient Near Eastern tithe infused with theological sig-
nificance for the new
political entity of
The payment of tithes was no novel practice, having been performed
for centuries by both biblical figures and pagans alike. It is well attested
that the tithe2 was present in the very earliest of cultures_-Roman,
Greek, Carthaginian, Cretan, Silician, Phoenician, Chinese, Babylonian,
Akkadian, and Egyptian--stretching back to the earliest written records
of the human race.3 This extra-biblical practice of tithing must, of
course, be considered when searching for the origin of the tithe. Was the
tithe a divinely conceived custom, original with Yahweh and unique in
its expression, or was tithing a divine adaptation of an originally pagan
custom, bequeathed with theological significance by divine fiat? Further,
was the tithe an act of worship alone, or a demonstration of political
subservience: a primitive form of taxation? Or was it a combination of
Many scholars (including most liberals) contend that the levitical
*Mr. Snoeberger is Director of Library Services at Detroit Baptist Theological
l Henry Landsell, The Sacred Tenth or Studies of Tithe-Giving, Ancient and Modern,
2 vols. (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1955), .
2 The author intends the term in its technical sense--a tenth. As John E. Simpson
notes of the nearly universal pagan practice of tithing, "the amount so given was almost
invariably one-tenth" (This World’s Goods [New York: Revell, 1939], p. 88). Cf., how-
ever, Joseph M. Baumgarten, "On the Non-literal Use of ma'aser/dekate," Journal of
Biblical Literature 103 (June 1984): 245-51.
3 Landsell, Sacred
Tenth, 1: 1-38; Arthur Babbs, The Law of the Tithe As Set
the Old Testament (New York: Revell, 1912), pp. 13-24; E. B. Stewart, The Tithe (Chi-
cago: Winona Publishing Co., 1903), pp. 7-13.
institution was borrowed strictly from early contemporary heathen prac-
tices.4 On the other pole, some, generally more conservative, scholars
contend that the universality of the tithe and the failure of attempts to
discover its origin within secular sources point to a much more ancient
practice--one instituted by God at the very dawn of human history.5
To make either claim, one must look to the early chapters of Gene-
sis for clues to the genesis of the tithe. If, indeed, concrete evidence for
its origin can be discovered here, one can be assured that the tithe origi-
nated with God and that it was revealed by him from the very earliest
times to mankind. Failure to discover the origin here does not rule out
the possibility of divine origin, but it does render the origin of the tithe
an argument from silence for either position. It is, therefore, the purpose
of this essay is to probe the OT material, beginning with the sacrificial
practices of Cain and Abel, continuing with the unprecedented payment
of tithes by Abram to the priest of the most high God, Melchizedek, and
concluding with Jacob's intention to tithe, for clues to the genesis of the
pre-Mosaic tithe. We will then decide whether sufficient evidence exists
to confirm its divine origin, then discuss briefly its relationship to the
levitical tithe and its continuing applicability (or non-applicability) to-
THE GIVING PRACTICES OF CAIN
AND ABEL (GENESIS 4:3-7)
So it came about in the course of time that Cain brought an offering to the
LORD of the fruit of the ground. Abel, on his part also brought of the
firstlings of his flock and of their fat portions. And the LORD had regard
for Abel and for his offering; but for Cain and for his offering He had no
regard. So Cain became very angry and his countenance fell. Then the
LORD said to Cain, "Why are you angry? And why has your countenance
fallen? If you do well, will not your countenance be lifted up? And if you do not do well, sin is crouching at the door; and its desire is for you, but you must master it."6
In an attempt to establish the continuity of the tithe throughout
human history, several older conservative scholars adopted an alternative
4 H. Jagersma, "The Tithes in the Old Testament," in Remembering All the Way,
Oudtestamentische Studien XXI (Leiden: Brill, 1981), pp. 116-28; Marvin E. Tate,
"Tithing: Legalism or Benchmark?" Review and Expositor 70 (Spring 1973): 153; Ency-
clopedia Judaica, s.v. "Tithe," by M. Weinfeld; The Interpreters Dictionary of the Bible,
s.v. "Tithe," by H. H.
Guthrie, Jr. Included in this group are all those who view
"cultus" as evolutionary and not revelational.
5 Landsell, Sacred Tenth, ; Babbs, Law of the Tithe, pp. 24-25.
6 All Scripture quotations, unless otherwise noted, are taken from the 1995 edition
The Pre-Mosaic Tithe 73
text and translation to affirm that Cain's and Abel's sacrifices establish
tithing as early as Genesis 4. The LXX reading of verse 7 apparently
reflects the Hebrew "Htnl" (to dissect or divide) rather than the MT's
"Htpl" (reflected in NASB's "at the door"). The resulting English trans-
lation of verse 7 identifies Cain's sin as his failure to "divide rightly."
Furthering this conclusion is an alternate reading of a NT text, Hebrews
11:4, namely, that "Abel offered unto God a more abundant7 sacrifice
than Cain." The conclusion drawn from these combined readings is that
Cain's sin was specifically a failure to give an adequate percentage of his
income to God. The percentage, it is deduced, must be none other than
a tithe.8 This understanding is not unreasonable, as it follows the reading
of the LXX, the text (though not the interpretation) of the early church
fathers.9 However, the difficulty of this reading and the high degree of
accuracy of the MT at this point have led most modern commentators
to reject this reading out of hand,10 and with it the implied reference to
proportional tithing by Abel.
The preceding discussion does not render the Cain and Abel inci-
dent as having no value to the discussion of the tithe. On the contrary,
herein is the first recorded instance of an offering presented to God in
the OT--offerings that would later be expanded to include the tithe.11
7 The term in question, plei<ona, includes in its range of meaning both the qualita-
tive idea of excellence and the quantitative idea of abundance (BAGD, p. 689), though
most NT commentators have understood the usage in Hebrews 11:4 to be qualitative,
that is, "a better sacrifice."
8 Landsell, Sacred Tenth, -41; Babbs, Law of the Tithe, p. 25.
9 Clement, The First Epistle o/Clement 4, in The Ante-Nicene Fathers, ed. Alexander
and James Donaldson, 1st series, reprint ed., 10 vols. (
1977), 1:6; Irenaeus, Against Heresies 4.18.3, in The Ante-Nicene Fathers, 1:485; Tertul-
lian, An Answer to the Jews 2, in The Ante-Nicene Fathers, 2: 153; See also the note on
of Landsell's Sacred Tenth for a survey of other patristic support.
10 E. A. Speiser, Genesis, 2nd ed., AB (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1978), p. 32.
Most commentators follow the MT without even entertaining the LXX reading in their
(e.g., S. R. Driver, The Book of Genesis
65; Franz Delitzsch, A New Commentary on Genesis, 2 vols., trans. Sophia Taylor, reprint
1888 ed. [
Book of Genesis, 2 vols., NICOT
J. Wenham, Genesis, 2 vols., WBC [
Claus Westermann gives an otherwise complete list of philological options for the verse,
but does not view the LXX reading as worthy of mention (Genesis, 3 vols., Continental
11 The use of the word "expanded" in not intended to imply that the Israelite "cult"
evolved on its own apart from the sovereign hand of God, as is asserted by many liberals
The background of this incident is meager. We are no sooner told
that Cain and Abel have been born when we suddenly find the boys as
men, each with the respective occupations of agriculturalist and herds-
man. After a period of time, both bring an offering to Yahweh. Cain
brings some of the vegetables and fruits resulting from his labor as a
farmer, Abel an offering of some of his livestock. For some reason not
specified in this text, Yahweh rejects the former but receives the latter.
Several obvious questions arise from the narrative. How did Cain
and Abel know to bring an offering to Yahweh? What was the nature of
their offering? Why was Cain's offering rejected and Abel's accepted?
And, ultimately, does their gift have any bearing on the levitical tithe or
on the NT believer? Naturally, a correct understanding of the term used
for this offering (hHAn;mi) is essential to the understanding of the purpose
of the sacrifices presented in Genesis 4. We begin here in our search for
the tithe in the OT.
The Term Employed
Many have concluded that the offerings of Genesis 4 were intended
as atoning, expiatory sacrifices, based on the assumption that God's dis-
pleasure with Cain's offering stemmed from his failure to give a blood
sacrifice.12 This theory fails on two counts. First, the term used to de-
scribe the offering, hHAn;mi, is elsewhere used of a bloodless sacrifice,13 and
is the standard term used in the levitical code for the meal offering. Here
in Genesis 4 Moses avoids using readily available, general terms that
(see below); instead, it simply recognizes the progress of divine revelation which expands
man's knowledge and adjusts his responsibilities. We need not, indeed, must not see the
shadow of the Mosaic code veiled in the Cain/Abel narrative; nonetheless, this first re-
corded sacrifice does give us insight into God's expectations and the means by which he
communicated them to early believers.
12 Robert S. Candlish, An Exposition
of Genesis (reprint ed.,
ereign Grace Publishers, 1972), p. 65. Scofield sees the sin offering in the phrase "sin is
crouching at the door." The term for sin (txF.AHa) may refer to sin or to its sacrificial rem-
edy, the "sin offering." Thus, Yahweh was informing Cain that he had not done well,
and that his only solution was to offer a blood sacrifice (The Scofield Reference Bible [New
however, makes this option unlikely.
13 J. H. Kurtz goes so far as to say that the hHAn;mi was "exclusively" bloodless (Sac-
rificial Worship of the Old Testament, reprint of 1863
Klock, 1980], pp. 158-59), as does Hamilton (Genesis, 1:223), though 1 Samuel
and 26:19 indicate otherwise. The term has a broader meaning than its technical sense as
a meal offering (New International Dictionary of Old Testament Theology and Exegesis, s.v.
"hHAn;mi," by Richard E. Averbeck, 2:980-87). It is best to conclude that the hHAn;mi was
usually bloodless, and in its prescriptive, levitical sense (which is not the case here) was
The Pre-Mosaic Tithe 75
denote blood sacrifice (e.g., Hbaz,). While we may not extrapolate levitical
language anachronistically onto the Genesis 4 incident, Moses' usage of
the same term he would later use for the meal offering strongly suggests
that this sacrifice was not intended to be viewed as a sin or guilt offer-
ing.14 Second, the event is predicated on the culmination ("in the course
of time"—MymiyA Cq.emi [v. 3]) of a lengthy period of agricultural productiv-
ity ("Abel was a keeper of flocks, but Cain was a tiller of the ground"
[v. 2]), indicating that this was no ordinary expiatory sacrifice, but a spe-
cial, additional offering--one of thanksgiving for God's abundant
Thus it is roughly, though not exactly, equivalent to
firstfruits or meal offerings, not to their regular sin offerings or tithes.
The term hHAn;mi, in its non-technical usage, is also frequently associ-
ated with payment of tribute or taxes (Gen 32:13 [14 MT]; Judg ,
17-18; 1 Sam 10:27). For this reason, it may be suggested that Cain and
Abel's gifts were mandatory. However, the term may simply be em-
ployed ''as an expression of respect, thanksgiving, homage, friendship,
dependence,"16 which functions do not all imply obligation.
The Reason for Cain's and Abel's Offerings
Having deduced, then, that this was an offering additional to the
ordinary expiatory sacrifices, we move on to discover why the offering
was given. While biblical revelation gives us no precedent or mandate for
this type of offering, God's displeasure with Cain's offering implies that
Cain failed to meet some divinely revealed requirement. We have already
rejected the possibilities of the inappropriate content or quantity of the
sacrifice. Other options include inadequate quality in the offering,17
14 Bruce K. Waltke, "Cain and His Offering,"
(Fall 1986): 365-66.
15 I assume that the practice of expiatory sacrifices has been a theological necessity in
every dispensation to effect forgiveness of sins and right standing before God. Cain's and
Abel's gifts, however, did not fall into this category.
16 HALOT (in English), 2:601. Cf. also George B. Gray, Sacrifice in the Old Testa-
ment: Its Theory and Practice (New York: Ktav, 1971), pp. 16-17; NIDOTTE, s.v.,
"hHAn;mi" by Richard E. Averbeck, 2:986; and TWOT, s.v. "hHAn;mi," by G. Lloyd Carr,
17 Waltke suggests that the v; opening v. 4 is adversative, highlighting the "fat" and
"firstborn" elements of Abel's sacrifice in contrast to Cain's mere offer of "some" of his
fruits and vegetables ("Cain and His Offering," p. 368; cf. also Delitzsch, Genesis, pp.
Hermann Gunkel, Genesis
42-43; Allen P. Ross, Creation & Blessing: A Guide to the Study and Exposition of Genesis
NAC (Nashville: Broadman & Holman, 1996), pp. 267-68. We note, however, that
there is no equivalent of fat for Cain's offering, nor does Moses specify that Cain's of-
fering was not of the firstfruits. John Sailhamer, in fact, suggests that Cain was also
deficient integrity in the offerer,18 or even the simple possibility that
Abel was the object of God's elective prerogative while Cain was
not19--the text does not specify. The NT commentary is simply that
Abel's offering was offered "in faith" while Cain's was not (Heb 11:4).
This may imply that God had given explicit instructions regarding ex-
piatory and other sacrifices;20 however, this argument flows purely from
silence. All that can be conclusively deduced is that Cain's sacrifice did
not issue from faith, but from other, inferior, motivation.
The offerings of Cain and Abel give evidence that men professing to
be God-fearers, from earliest times, brought offerings to Yahweh (v. 3)
from their bounty. There was, however, no percentage specified, nor any
purpose delineated other than direct worship and gratitude addressed to
God. Thus, there is little to link these offerings with the basis of the en-
suing levitical tithe, nor to shed light on its continuing applicability.
While it is possible that God may have established binding requirements
for offerings in the OT apart from written revelation, we certainly can-
not deduce from the Cain and Abel narrative that the tithe was among
ABRAM'S TITHE TO MELCHIZEDEK
Then after his return from the defeat of Chedorlaomer and the kings who
were with him, the king of
lem brought out bread and wine; now he was a priest of God Most High.
He blessed him and said, "Blessed be Abram of God Most High, Possessor
of heaven and earth; And blessed be God Most High, Who has delivered
your enemies into your hand." He gave him a tenth of all. The king of
self." Abram said to the king of
Most High, possessor of heaven and earth, that I will not take a thread or a
bringing his firstfruits ("Genesis," in vol. 2 of The Expositors Bible Commentary, ed.
E. Gaebelein [
18 John J.
p. 99; John Calvin, Commentaries on the First Book of Moses Called Genesis, 2 vols., trans.
King (reprint ed.,
1:224; Driver, Genesis, p. 65.
19 Gerhard Von Rad, Genesis: A Commentary (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1974), p.
20 Landsell, Sacred Tenth, 1:41.
The Pre-Mosaic Tithe 77
sandal thong or anything that is yours, for fear you would say, 'I have made
Abram rich.' I will take nothing except what the young men have eaten,
and the share of the men who went with me, Aner, Eshcol, and Mamre; let
them take their share."
We move onward from Cain and Abel in our quest for the genesis
of the tithe in the OT to Abram's unprecedented tithe paid to
passage that the technical term "tithe" (rWefEma) is first used in Scripture,
making it the first recorded instance of OT tithing. In this incident is
found the most promising data for the current study, thus a large seg-
ment of the essay will be dedicated to it.
In Genesis 14, Abram is informed that a band of marauding mon-
archs led by Chedorlaomer had sacked the pentapolis that included
been seized, and
small band from his household, attacks and defeats the marauders in an
unlikely nighttime foray, pursues them far to the north, and recovers
what had been stolen. Emboldened by Abram's remarkable success, king
Bera of Sodom travels northward to the "King's Valley" just south of
the valley. King Bera begrudges Abram the spoils but asks for the re-
captured citizenry. Melchizedek, identified here as a priest of the most
high God (NOyl;f, lx,), brings out bread and wine to refresh and reward
Abram and his men, blesses Abram repeatedly, and blesses Abram's God
for the victory. As a biblically unprecedented reciprocation, Abram gives
to Melchizedek a tenth of all (presumably of all the spoils). The rest of
the spoils are then meted out and the incident is closed.
The Term Employed
The Hebrew term for "tithe" (rWefEma) is simply the adjectival form of
the number ten, rW,f,.21 The term is used infrequently in Scripture apart
from the levitical and deuteronomic legislation concerning its contribu-
tion within the assembly. The term's employment is by no means com-
plex, but it is precise. The tithe is an exact tenth, and is not used in a
generic sense to refer to multiple types of offerings of varying amounts.22
In Ugaritic and Phoenician sources the tithe was generally paid as
21 BDB, p. 798.
22 NIDOTTE, s.v. "rWefEma," by Richard E. Averbeck, 2:1035; cr. also H. Jagersma, "Tithes in the Old Testament," p. 117.
the standard unit of taxation owed to the throne. While priests some-
times collected this tithe, there was often no idea of worship in-
volved--the priests were viewed as any secular recipient of the tithe
would be.23 Further, it is apparent that, even when the priests collected
the tithe, the state, and not the religious personnel, controlled its distri-
bution.24 This is contrary to the Mosaic legal practice, where, in all re-
corded situations save one (1 Sam -17), the tithe was paid to
Yahweh through the hand of the priest, and presumably dispensed by
The ancient Near Eastern tithe was paid to the king on everything
earned by the subjects of the throne, including produce, animals, and
loot won in battle. For this reason it is not unusual that Abram paid a
tithe. What is unusual is the abruptness of Melchizedek's appearance,
the lack of explanatory details concerning his kingship and priesthood,
and the mystery surrounding his relationship to Abram. These enigmas
must be resolved along with other questions, such as whether Abram was
paying tithes to Melchizedek as his king or as his priest (or both) and
whether the tithe Abram paid was voluntary or mandatory. A brief look
at Melchizedek is in order to answer these questions.
The Recipient of Abram's Tithe—Melchizedek
Because Abram's tithe, unlike that of the other pre-Mosaic offerings,
involves a human as well as a divine recipient, and because that recipi-
ent's role seems even more prominent than Abram's in the context of the
narrative, Melchizedek merits special study. Rising suddenly to prestige
in verse 18 and vanishing just as suddenly a scant two verses later,
Melchizedek's function raises many questions. This brief study cannot
answer them all, but will endeavor to answer two: What did
Melchizedek's offices entail, and what was Abram's relationship to these
Melchizedek as King
Several questions must be answered concerning Melchizedek as king
before conclusions may be drawn about the tithe paid him. First, what
23 NIDOTTE, s.v.
Paid in Grain at
ever, Averbeck's remarks on the Akkadian tithe (2:1036).
24 Jagersma, "Tithes in the Old Testament," pp. 123-24.
25 Ibid., p. 123. This is not to say that. the Mosaic tithe had no secular func-
tion--the Mosaic tithe provided poverty relief (Deut ). However, its primary
function was to finance "the service of the tent of meeting" and to provide for the Levites
"who have no inheritance" (Num -32).
The Pre-Mosaic Tithe 79
was the nature of his kingship and the extent of his realm? Second, and
closely related to the first, what was Abram's political relationship to the
The term "king" (j`l,m,) may be misleading for the reader accustomed
to the pomp and prestige of present-day royalty. The fact that at least six
occupied such a small area of southern
kingdoms were quite small and the kings little more than local chief-
tains26 who ruled a city and the small tract of surrounding land used by
his constituency. This is further attested by the fact that little extrabibli-
cal material survives to tell us about these "kingdoms." On the other
hand the marauding eastern kings were apparently much more powerful,
one each from the Elamite, Amorite, Hurrian, and Hittite empires.27
This is not to say, however, that these kings represented the full force of
these empires, nor that these empires were in the height of their glory
when the invasion occurred.
Melchizedek's realm was the city of
ening of "
entertain the possibility that this was not
Psalms 76:2 (3 MT) and 110:2, 4 identify Melchizedek's realm with
is confirmed by 2 Samuel 18:18 to be the junction of the nearby Kidron
There is nothing to suggest, however, that Meichizedek’s reign in Jeru-
"holy city" until David's establishment of the seat of his kingdom and
the tabernacle (and later Solomon's temple) there.30
26 Philip J. Nel indicates a wide range of meaning for the term, the minimum ele-
ment being the exercise of rule over a realm, whether that be of a tribe, city-state, or
larger territory such as a country or empire (NIDOTTE, s.v. "jlm," 2:956).
27 Hamilton, Genesis, 1:399-400; Speiser, Genesis, 1:106-8.
28 For an overview of the options posited, see J. A. Emerton's article, "The Site of
Emerton, Supplements to Vetus Testammtum XLI (Leiden: Brill, 1990): 45-71.
29 Contra Driver, Genesis, p. 164.
30 In fact, the Jebusite occupation of the city until David's conquest of the city in
998 B.C., recorded in 2 Sam 5:6-8, makes it one of the last Canaanite cities to be con-
Melchizedek's Royal Relationship to Abram
Since it is widely held in liberal circles that the narrative concerning
Melchizedek (vv. 18-20) is a fictional, secondary insertion, very little
scholarship has been spent studying the historicity of Melchizedek or the
correlation of the Melchizedek pericope with the local context.31 This
void of serious study makes Melchizedek's relationship to the surround-
ing kings and to Abram difficult to discern.
Some propose that Melchizedek's was the smallest of the kingdoms
in the narrative, suggested by his lack of involvement in the defensive
campaign.32 Perhaps he could spare no men but could provide some
provisions for the victors.
Others have suggested that
geous geographical location for a city in the region, would have been the
capital of a very important city-state in Palestine.33 Its presidence over
the "valley of kings," apparently a very famous and important place in
the ancient Near East34 also suggests that Melchizedek's kingship was a
powerful, even a supervisory one. Wenham suggests that his dual role as
king and priest would have made him a wealthy and hence a powerful
king, as evidenced by his supply of "royal fare" for Abram.35 He further
suggests that his supply of bread and wine was his duty as the "dominant
ally."36 There is no explanation given, however, why Melchizedek, if he
was so dominant, did not become involved in the military action. It is
also inconclusive that bread and wine were "royal fare" or that
Melchizedek's wealth exceeded that of the other local kings.
It seems, therefore, unlikely that Melchizedek exercised authority as
an overlord over Abram and the five western kings. This factor is of con-
siderable importance for discussing the tithe paid by Abram--it is un-
likely that the tithe represented a tribute or tax paid as a matter of duty
to Abram's ruler.
Melchizedek as Priest
Having established the unlikelihood that Melchizedek's regal
31 Hamilton, Genesis, 1:408-9, n. 4.
32 H. H. Rowley, Worship in Ancient
33 J. A. Emerton, "The Riddle of Genesis XIV," Vetus Testamentum 21 (October
34 Gunkel, Genesis, p. 279.
35 Genesis, 1 :316.
The Pre-Mosaic Tithe 81
authority extended over Abram, we now turn to Melchizedek's role as
priest of the most high God (NOyl;f, lxel; Nheko). We face similar questions
with Melchizedek's priesthood as we did with his kingship--What was
the nature of his priesthood and the extent of his authority as priest?
Second, and again related to the first, what was Abram's spiritual rela-
tionship to Melchizedek?
Melchizedek is labeled by Moses as a NheKo--a priest. This is the first
mention of a priest in the OT, though the concept was not new. A priest
is someone who stands in the gap between God and man, representing
man to God and God to man.37 We note, then, that Abram, Noah, and
presumably all godly familial heads and clan-leaders in the pre-
Abrahamic era functioned as microcosmic priests in a limited capacity as
primitive mediators of what would later become the theocratic kingdom.
The first consideration in the study of Melchizedek's priesthood is a
very basic one--Whom was Melchizedek serving as priest? The text in-
dicates that the deity served was called "the Most High God" (NOyl;f, lxe).
What has been of considerable debate is whether this deity is to be iden-
tified with Yahweh, the God of Abraham, or with some local deity.
Liberals have generally contended that NOyl;f, lxe was a local deity.38
Based on their assumption that the Hebrew religion began with Abram
and over time evolved into modern Judaism, they naturally contend that
a reference to Abram's Yahweh in this pericope would be anachronistic.
This contention is furthered by their conclusions that the shortened
names for Myhilox,, NOyl;f, and lxe are very late developments,39 heightening
the anachronism of seeing Yahweh in Genesis 14:18-20. Further com-
plicating the matter is the absence of the article on lxe, suggesting that
this is a local god, and not the Hebrew God. Instead, it is assumed that
the use of lxe is the widely used Semitic term for various and sundry
a term which
This theory is fraught with bad exegesis and unbiblical assumptions.
First, it must be noted that the absence of the article is common with
compound names for God,40 rendering its absence here ancillary to the
discussion. Second, the Hebrew term NOyl;f, has no secular parallels other
37 NIDOTTE, s.v. "Nhk," by Philip Jenson, 2:600.
38 Speiser, Genesis, 1:104; Westermann, Genesis, 2:204; Driver, Genesis, p. 165;
Gunkel, Genesis, pp. 279-80. Wenham also takes this view (Genesis, 1:316-17).
39 Speiser, Genesis, 1:104.
40 Delitszch, Genesis, 1:409.
than a rather recently developed Phoenician god, whom Philo labeled as
]Eliou?n, o[ u!yistoj, who even liberals admit emerged long after the Is-
raelite usage had been established (Num 24:16, Deut 32:8, etc.). We
conclude with Speiser and Gunkel that the term was not borrowed by
from her.41 Further, as
deity ]Eliou?n was the grandson of lxe.42 Thus, even if a correlation is
attempted, it fails to give us a single god, but two separate ones. In only
one other occasion in all known ancient Near Eastern literature are lxe
and NOyl;f, found together--in Psalm 78:35 of the Hebrew canon, and
that with reference to the God of Israel.43 We conclude that there is
simply no evidence for a god by the name of NOyl;f, lxe in the Canaanite
or any other pantheon.
Furthering this conclusion is later revelation in Psalm 110, where
Melchizedek's priesthood is discussed with reference only to
hvhy—neither lxe nor its cognates are mentioned in the entire psalm.
Sealing the matter is Hebrews 5:6, 10, where the Greek equivalents of
both hvhy and lxe (ku<rioj and qeo<j) are used interchangeably in the
context of the priesthood of Melchizedek. There is no question that the
NOyl;f< lxe whom Melchizedek served as priest was Abram's God, the God
[Abram] would have acknowledged the priesthood of anyone other than
a representative of the true God."44 We add to this that Abram would
never have acknowledged anyone put the one true God as the "creator of
heaven and earth" and the God who gave him victory in battle (vv.
We move on now to discuss the extent of the authority of
Melchizedek's priesthood. It apparently was a common practice in the
ancient Near East for a king to function as a priest for his people.45 In
fact, it is apparent that Abram himself functioned in much the same ca-
pacity, building altars and offering sacrifices (functions of a priest) while
functioning as the leader of his clan as a "mighty prince" (Myhilox< xyWin;), a
term translated as "king" (basileu<j) in the LXX version of Genesis
23:6. This is in keeping with the dispensational setting of Melchizedek's
day. As yet there had been no establishment of a single central altar.
41 Speiser, Genesis, 1:104; Gunkel, Genesis, p. 280.
42 Genesis, 1:410.
43 Cf. also Psalm (18 MT) for the use NOyl;f, with hvhy.
44 The Epistle to the Hebrews (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1972), p. 124.
45 Gunkel, Genesis, p. 280; Westermann, Genesis, 2:204-5; Wenham, Genesis,
The Pre-Mosaic Tithe 83
There had been no formal introduction of Abram as the priest for the
world, though it had been privately revealed that his was to be the cho-
sen line to bring blessing to all the nations. Thus it seems likely that,
until this point, the dispensation of human government was in effect.
God-fearers of this period approached God through their various God-
fearing clan-leaders--such as Melchizedek.
This solution, however, only leads to another question. If
Melchizedek had jurisdiction as priest only within his own clan (there
being no biblical basis for regional high priests with hierarchical sover-
eignty over lesser priests) why did Abram recognize Melchizedek as his
Melchizedek's Spiritual Relationship to Abram
If Melchizedek's jurisdiction extended no further than his clan, the
tithe paid by Abram to Melchizedek46 seems a bit out of place. Hebrews
7:7, however, in discussing Abram and Melchizedek, insists that, "with-
out any dispute, the lesser is blessed by the greater," thus implying that
Melchizedek was in some sense greater than Abram when he blesses
Abram, and, presumably, when he received tithes from Abram.
Alva J. McClain recognizes the complexity of this passage and ac-
knowledges the possibility that "in the era before Abraham there were
other kings who held a similar mediatorial authority between their sub-
jects and the true God."47 He goes on to theorize that it was "this precise
point in Biblical history. . . [that] marks the end of an era and the begin-
ning of a new order of things."48 Melchizedek's blessing effectively her-
alded for the whole world that the mediatorial idea was being localized
in "concrete form historically in miniature."49 The theory makes
Melchizedek roughly comparable to other transitional figures, such as
Anna, Simeon, and John the Baptist, who, having announced the arrival
46 This essay assumes, with most commentators, that the tithe was paid by Abram to
Melchizedek, although the text is perhaps less than absolutely explicit on this point. R.
H. Smith contends that it was Melchizedek who paid the tithe as an attempt to bribe the
warlike Abram to leave the area ("Abraham and Melchizedek," Zietschrift fur die Alttes-
tamentliche Wissenschaft 77 : 134). This narrow view ignores, however, the
broader context of Scripture (Hebrews 7) and the traditional understanding of the pas-
sage (LXX). J. A. Emerton objects to Smith's view, but asserts that leaving Abram as the
tither contradicts verse 23, where Abram is said to have given all the spoil back to the
would not take anything that belonged to the king of
does not preclude his tithing or giving the culturally accepted share owed to hired mer-
cenaries (see below).
47 The Greatness of the Kingdom (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1959), p. 50.
48 Ibid., p. 51.
49 Ibid., p. 50
of the Messiah, faded into oblivion. Representative of this view before
McClain was none other than Robert S. Candlish, who, though no dis-
pensationalist, on this one point sounds like one:
Melchizedek, as the last preserver, as it were, of the primitive patriarchal
hope, hands over his function to one more highly favored than himself, in
the very spirit of the Baptist--"He must increase, but I must decrease"
(John 3:30). His own occupation, as a witness and standing type of the
Messiah, is over; one newly called out of heathenism is to succeed and to
take his place He hails in Abram the promised seed, and blesses him ac-
cordingly Thus the Patriarchal, the Abrahamic, and the Levitical dis-
pensations appear, all of them, in their true character, as subordinate and
Although the theory cannot be verified (McClain and Candlish ar-
gue from silence that Melchizedek relinquished his priestly functions
after this incident), there is much to commend it. The timing is correct,
since Abram's call was quite recent. The public announcement is appro-
priate, for without it no one would have been aware of the dispensa-
tional change. The prominence of Melchizedek's delivery of blessings
(j`raBA is employed three times in the two verses of Melchizedek's brief
discourse) is also significant in light of the reciprocal blessings promised
in the Abrahamic Covenant (Gen 12:1-3) to those who would bless
Abram. Melchizedek's repeated blessings and his disclosure that God
was blessing and being blessed51 specifically through Abram announced
to the listening world that Abram had been specially selected by God as
his unique mediatorial representative.52
The question still remains, however, why Melchizedek was viewed as
"greater" than Abram, able to give him a blessing, and worthy of receiv-
ing his tithe. The commentaries are generally silent on this issue, and the
question is difficult to answer. It seems best to understand that
50 Genesis, p. 143.
51 The action of blessing implied in the term j`raBA, as explained by Hebrews 7:7, al-
ways flows from the greater to the lesser. It is no contradiction, however, that
Melchizedek "blessed" God. While active blessing (the impartation of something of
value to someone) can never be offered by mortals to God, men can "bless" God in a
"passive and stative sense" by speaking highly of him or attributing praise to him
(NIDOTTE, s.v. "jrb," by Michael L. Brown, 1:764). Hebrews 7:7 is by no means at
odds with Genesis 14:20.
52 Victor Hamilton completely misses the point of the repeated use of j`raBA when he
begrudges Abram his blessings while his 318 companions went unmentioned with the
sarcastic comment, "As one would expect, it is the general, not the private, who gets the
kudos" (Genesis, 1:409). It is not because Abram was the "general" that he got the "ku-
dos"; it was because he was one with whom God had covenanted to make a great nation
and to be a source of blessing to all the nations.
The Pre-Mosaic Tithe 85
Melchizedek was not permanently or personally superior to Abram, but
that at that moment Melchizedek stood between God and Abram and
as the better."53 Indeed, any time a person stands in the place of God
his superiority is instantly, if temporarily, confirmed by virtue of the
God he represents. McClain's comments (above) may also be informa-
tive: Melchizedek, representing the authority of the old dispensation,
was ceding the reins of the incipient mediatorial kingdom to its new
mediator, after which time Abram became superior to Melchizedek.
We thus conclude that Abram's recognition of Melchizedek as a su-
perior was not because Melchizedek was some type of regional high
priest, hierarchically presiding over all other lesser priests in the area.
Nonetheless, for the moment, Melchizedek stood in the place of God,
and, as such, exercised temporary spiritual authority over Abram, an
authority which Abram recognized by the giving of a tithe.
The Reason for Abram's Tithe
In the previous section we established that the basis for Abram's
tithe was the (temporarily)54 superior priesthood of Melchizedek. We
now move to Abram's purpose for giving him a tithe. Was it a social
(political) function or an act of pure worship? Was it mandatory or vol-
Some suggest that Abram's was a primitive payment to the deity for
making him victorious in battle.55 This is generally a liberal idea56 and is
held only by those who deny that Melchizedek was a priest of the one
Others, chiefly those who view Melchizedek as a theophany, view
53 Kent, Hebrews, p. 129.
54 By using this qualifier the author is not intending to negate the arguments of He-
brews 5-7 or Psalm 110. For typological purposes, that moment of superiority was cap-
tured by the later authors and coupled with a few of the sudden and mysterious factors
surrounding the appearance of Melchizedek in Scripture to provide vivid illustrations of
the superiority of Christ. As with all types there is not a one-to-one correspondence be-
tween every detail, thus it is not necessary to elevate Melchizedek to some mysterious or
supernatural plane to preserve the analogy between him and Christ (as some have done
by suggesting that Melchizedek's appearance in Genesis 14 was a theophany).
Melchizedek, it should be concluded, was simply a literal, historical human being whose
life was directed by God to serve as a type of Christ (See Kent, Hebrews, pp. 124-27).
55 Westermann, Genesis, 2:206; Speiser, Genesis., 1:109; Wenham, Genesis, 1:317.
56 A more radically liberal idea, held by Gunkel (Genesis, p. 281) and Driver (Gene-
sis, pp. 167-68), is that the character Melchizedek was pseudepigraphal, being invented,
along with the legend of the Jebusite coalition, in David's time to lend legitimacy to the
of his new capital in
the gift as a direct act of worship to God.57
Still others suggest that the tithe was rendered to Melchizedek as his
share of the spoils of battle in compensation for his role in the conquest
of the four invading kings, a "postbellum distribution of the booty, in
which the spoils are distributed equally between those who personally
fought. . . and for those who for one reason or another did not actively
engage in the fighting."58 This reminds us of similar incidents in Num-
bers 31:17 and 1 Samuel 30:21-25, where personnel left behind were
afforded shares of the spoils despite their failure to actively participate in
While this last theory is attractive, it has a few flaws. First, the tithe
to Melchizedek is set apart from the rest of the distribution of the
spoils--the tithe occurs in verse 20, but the provisions for distribution
of the spoils are not made until the very last verse of the chapter. Fur-
ther, Abram's tithe is mentioned in close proximity to Melchizedek's
priestly blessing of Abram, suggesting that his tithe-giving had a purely
purpose, not a politico-cultural one. The king of
did not understand this exchange, and apparently thought that the divi-
sion of spoils had begun in v. 20. He immediately jumped in and made
his bid for the people of his city, abandoning all hope of regaining any-
thing else. Abram's negative response is quite revealing: he wanted no
material or spiritual, from the wicked king of
cloud or overshadow the priestly blessing he had just received from
Melchizedek, nor create any sense of obligation of Abram to Sodom.59
As a result, he renounced all claim to the spoils. Third, Abram's com-
ments in verse 23, that he would not take anything that rightly belonged
the king of
and a small mercenary stipend for the efforts of Abram's companions,
the rest of the spoils went back to their previous owners. This is in con-
trast to the ancient Near Eastern custom. While the spoils belonged le-
gally to Abram,60 simple kindness required him to return the property to
its rightful owners.
It seems most likely that the tithe was paid to Melchizedek as a vol-
untary reciprocation for the priestly functions performed by
Melchizedek and a thank offering given to God for the success of the
military excursion.61 As such it represented a willing consecration of a
57 Candlish, Genesis, pp. 142-46.
58 Hamilton, Genesis, 1:413.
59 Ibid., 1:413-14; Ross, Creation and Blessing, p. 300-302; Sailhamer, "Genesis,"
60 Wenham, Genesis, 1 :317.
61 Delitzsch, Genesis,1:410.
The Pre-Mosaic Tithe 87
portion of the goods to God through the hand of the priest, in acknow-
ledgement that the whole belonged to God.62 It also represented
Abram's recognition that the dispensational baton, as it were, was being
passed to him by its legitimate forebear.
Why Abram chose a tenth and not some other amount is not ex-
plained. As has been already demonstrated, payment of a tenth was a
universal practice in the ancient known world. We may hypothesize that
God, though unrecorded in the Hebrew Scriptures, established the tenth
as a general figure to be spent on priestly administration, but it may be
that this amount was simply selected by Abram as a reasonable amount
to fulfill sacrificial duty to God. Nor have we ruled out the idea that the
custom was merely adopted from Abram's heathen neighbors. Genesis
26:5,63 which informs us that Abrabam obeyed God, along with all his
commandments, statutes, and laws, could point to the first of these op-
tions, but there is no clear link of 26:5 with the specific statute of tith-
We may only speculate about Melchizedek's subsequent usage of the
tithes he received, but it seems likely that they went to finance the
priestly services provided by Melchizedek as a mediator for God.64
While Abram's tithe apparently meets with God's approval, several
factors lead us to conclude that it has little bearing on the levitical tithe
and on our current practice. First, the tithe mentioned here is unique to
the transition between the dispensations of human government and
promise and has no genuine parallels in the rest of Scripture. Second, the
silence as to the origin of and the apparently voluntary nature of
Abram's tithe render it unlike anything in the rest of biblical experience.
Abram's tithe had a purpose, origin, and nature distinct from the Mosaic
JACOB'S PROMISED TITHE (GENESIS 28:18-22)
So Jacob rose early in the morning, and took the stone that he had put un-
der his head and set it up as a pillar and poured oil on its top. He called the
name of that place
been Luz. Then Jacob made a vow, saying, "If God will be with me and
will keep me on this journey that I take, and will give me food to eat and
garments to wear, and I return to my father's house in safety, then the
62 Candlish, Genesis, p. 142.
63 See W. W. Barndollar's extensive discussion of this verse in his "The Scriptural
Tithe" (Th.D. dissertation, Grace Theological Seminary, 1959), pp. 80-99.
LORD will be my God. This stone, which I have set up as a pillar, will be
God's house, and of all that You give me I will surely give a tenth to You."
The second and only other OT mention of the tithe prior to the
giving of the Mosaic Law comes in the form of a tithe promised to God
Jacob after his ladder vision at
Abrahamic Covenant to Jacob there (vv. 10-15). As in the
Abram/Melchizedek narrative, the Hebrew term rWefEma is used, so we are
sure that it is an actual tithe in question. Since this term has already been
discussed, we move directly to a study of the occasion of this promised
tithe to understand its purpose and to glean insights into the validity and
continuing applicability of Jacob's practice.
The event comes at a particularly turbulent period in Jacob's life, a
fact which weighs heavily on our study. In chapter 27, Jacob, true to his
name, had completed the two-fold deception of his father and brother,
and had successfully stolen the birthright away from Esau. Esau's resul-
tant rage and apparent intent to kill Jacob for the deception led Jacob, at
his mother's bidding and with the blessing of his father, to flee to the
house of his uncle, Laban, until his brother's anger abated.
In route to Laban's house Jacob is arrested by a dream in the city of
Luz (which he later renamed "Bethel"). In the dream, Yahweh renewed
the Abrahamic Covenant with Jacob. In so doing, Yahweh confirmed to
Jacob that he was the chosen son through whom the covenant blessings
would flow. Jacob awakens in fear and quickly erects an altar at the site
of the dream and gives a sacrifice of oil on an altar to God. Upon mak-
ing the sacrifice he offers up a vow to God that he would make Yahweh
his God and give him a tenth, presumably of all his possessions, so long
as Yahweh spared him, provided for his needs, and prospered him dur-
ing his sojourn at his uncle's residence. God was true to his promise, but
there is no indication whether or not Jacob fulfilled his vow.
Again, questions arise from the narrative that affect our under-
standing of the promised tithe. Was Jacob's promised tithe an act of
faith or part of some sort of inappropriate "bargain" made with God? If
the latter, can Jacob's tithe be considered normative or foundational to
the study of the tithe in the rest of the OT, or have any bearing on its
practice (or non-practice) today? Whether or not the vow was actually
fulfilled, what was the reason and purpose for Jacob's tithe?
While most evangelicals have maintained that this dream finds or at
least leaves Jacob converted, there are three factors in the narrative and
The Pre-Mosaic Tithe 89
one in Genesis 32 which indicate that Jacob's vow to tithe to Yahweh
was an illegitimate act of worship.
First, Jacob's reaction of fright upon the appearance of Yahweh in-
dicates an improper relationship to God. Many commentators take the
reaction by Jacob to be a healthy, reverential awe of God and his de-
scription of the site as "awesome," inducing genuine worship.65 If this is
the case, Jacob's succeeding actions denote consecration. This is a le-
gitimate interpretation of the terms employed. In fact, the "fear of the
Lord" seems to be the OT equivalent for faith (Prov 1:7). The Hebrew
root xry ("to fear"), represented in the Jacob narrative by the Qal im-
perfect and niphal participle respectively, however, has a wide range of
meaning, extending from a meaning of "reverence" or "respect" on one
pole to "terror" or "fright" on the other.66 The present context favors the
second pole.67 First, whenever the term is used elsewhere of Jacob in
subsequent contexts, it clearly denotes "fright," that is, fear that caused
him to respond by running or conniving, rather than trusting (e.g.,
31:31, 32:7, 11).68 Second, Jacob's ignorance that God could be here in
Luz (v. 16) may indicate that he was shocked to find God here.69 Waltke
and O'Connor concur, demonstrating from the emphatic adverb NkexA
that the verse conveys "a sudden recognition in contrast to what was
theretofore assumed."70 If this is the case, then Jacob is betraying a
woeful lack of knowledge and respect for the Almighty. Third, as Ham-
ilton points out, this is the only instance in the patriarchal narratives
(except possibly ) that a theophany is ever met with astonishment
or fright. The other patriarchs always "took theophanies in stride."71
Further developing the "fright" idea of the term xry is Jacob's ap-
parent lack of faith in the explicit promises of God. After hearing the
promises, Jacob makes a conditional vow whose conditions were the very
promises he had just received from Yahweh. In verse 15 Yahweh prom-
ises to be with Jacob, to keep him, and bring him back to the land. Ja-
cob responds in verse 20 that if indeed God remains with him, keeps
65 Candlish, Genesis, pp. 294-96; Delitzsch, Genesis, 2:165; Ross, Creation and
Blessing, pp. 491-94;
Wenham, Genesis, 2:223-25; John J. Davis,
Studies in Genesis (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1975), pp. 243-44.
66 BDB, s.v. "xreyA," p. 431.
67 NIDOTTE, s.v. "xry," by M. V. Van Pelt and W. C. Kaiser, Jr., 2:528-29.
68 Hamilton, Genesis, 2:244.
69 Ibid., 2:243-44.
70 Bruce K. Waltke and M. O'Connor, An Introduction to Biblical Hebrew Syntax
(Winona Lake,IN: Eisenbrauns, 1990), p. 670.
71 Genesis, 2:245.
him safe, clothes and feeds him, and returns him to the land, then he
would make Yahweh his God, pay tithes, etc.72 By thus casting his con-
version in the future, Jacob is apparently refusing to exercise faith at this
time. Some suggest the conditional particle, Mxi (“if”) used here precludes
a genuine contingency,73 instead meaning “since," or “forasmuch as,''
much like the Greek first class condition. However, the grammar of this
passage suggests otherwise. In his remarks about conditional clauses, Ge-
With regard to the difference between Mxi (xlo Mxi) and Ul (xleUl), the
fundamental rule is that Mxi is used if the condition be regarded either as al-
ready fulfilled, or if it, together with its consequence, be thought of as
possibility (or probability) occurring in the present or future. In the former
case, Mxi is followed by the perfect, in the latter (corresponding to the
Greek e]a>n with the present subjunctive) by the imperfect or its equivalent
(frequently in the apodosis also).74
The immediately following lead verb (hy,h;yi) is in the imperfect, and all
the succeeding verbs of the protasis are cast in the perfect with the v con-
secutive (making their function equivalent to the imperfect), clearly
demonstrating that the vow represents a genuine contingency.75 Thus,
his actions of building an altar and his promise to tithe on his livelihood
are not deeds of faith; instead, they are wary, fearful acts of a trapped
person to appease and "strike a bargain" with God.
To the grammatical argument we add an obvious theological one.
The sheer brazenness of a mortal establishing a conditional covenant
with the Almighty gives evidence to Jacob's unconverted state. To place
God under obligation to act a certain way and to stipulate that God
must fulfill certain obligations before one consecrates himself is not an
act of faith but an audacious challenge to God's sovereignty, inspired by
not part of the apodosis (Genesis, 2:248). As such the verses should read, "If God stays
with me. . . protects me. . . gives me bread to eat and clothing to wear, and I return safely
to my fathers house and if Yahweh shall be my God; then this stone. . . shall be God's
abode. . . and a tenth will I tithe to you" (2:237-38). This interpretation does little to
change the "bargaining" arrangement proposed by Jacob.
73 Candlish, Genesis, pp. 294-95; also Barndollar, "Scriptural Tithe," p. 108.
74 E. Kautzsch, ed., Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar, 2nd English ed., rev. A. E. Cowley
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1910), pp. 494-95. On p. 496, the very passage in question is
used as an example of genuine contingency. Cf. also Waltke and O'Connor, Hebrew
Syntax, pp. 526-27.
75 Barndollar makes a serious error in affirming that "all the verbs which follow Mxi
in verses 20 and 21 are perfect" ("Scriptural Tithe," p. 108), a faulty affirmation which
he uses to support his theory that there was no actual contingency in Jacob's vow. The
grammar, in fact, proves quite the opposite.
The Pre-Mosaic Tithe 91
Finally, the events surrounding Jacob's dream at Peniel and his
wrestling match there (32:24-32 [25-33 MT]) indicate that this latter
event was the actual conversion of Jacob. The name change (v. 28 [29
from Jacob ("deceiver") to
a mere change of name, but is representative of a change in charac-
ter--from a depraved self-server to one who recognizes and submits to
God's sovereignty. Likewise, Jacob's naming of the site "Peniel" ("the
face of God") is not due to his struggling with God himself,77 but be-
cause he has finally come to a point where he has recognized Yahweh as
his God and, much to his relief, is enabled to exercise true faith in the
made to him at
that Jacob's conversion experience took place at Peniel, then, naturally
its occurrence at
One notable objection to such a late conversion date for Jacob, and
perhaps the reason why most commentators assume Jacob to be saved in
28, is the bequest of the Abrahamic promises to Jacob
It is contended that God's reiteration of the Abrahamic promises to Ja-
cob assumes his salvation. This, however, is a logical non sequitur. The
OT teems with examples of beneficiaries of national election, even heads
of the mediatorial kingdom, who were never converted (e.g., many of
the judges and kings, most notably, Saul). The unconditional covenant
promises given nationally to the patriarchs and their descendants had no
direct bearing on their individual election to salvation (Rom 9:6). Thus
it was not necessary for Jacob to have been a believer to receive the
blessings of the Abrahamic Covenant.
This author, with a fair degree of confidence asserts, then, that Ja-
cob's vow to tithe was made while he was yet unconverted. This fact,
coupled with the silence as to the fulfillment of the vow render this ref-
erence to tithing a rather slender strand of evidence for affirming the
foundation of the levitical tithe or asserting an ongoing tithe in our pre-
The Reason for Jacob's Promised Tithe
The fact that Jacob settled on a tithe as opposed to some other
76 Hamilton, Genesis, 2:334. There is a bit of debate regarding the exact meaning of
this name. The scope of this essay, however, does not require interaction with the debate
except to assert that the change of name signals a change of heart.
77 Whether or not the "man" with whom Jacob struggled was a preincarnate form
of Christ is a matter of considerable debate; however, since this is not, apparently, the
source of the name "Peniel," the issue will be left unresolved.
78 Hamilton, Genesis, 2:337.
amount may indicate that he had some prior exposure to the tithe. Jacob
may have been following the lead of his grandfather or other God-fearers
with whom he was acquainted. In light of Jacob's faulty view of the ex-
tent of God's presence, authority, and faithfulness to His promises and
of Jacob's willingness to demean God's sovereignty by "bargaining" with
Him, it is more likely that he was borrowing the tithing practice of the
surrounding pagans. As with Abram, no clear conclusions may be
Nor is it certain what the purpose or method of payment was if, in-
deed, Jacob fulfilled his vow. While Abram still had a priest external to
himself, it seems unlikely, if McClain's and Candlish's theory79 is cor-
rect, that any legitimate priests of Yahweh remained to whom Jacob
could pay his tithes.80 Perhaps he would have consumed the tithe on an
altar to Yahweh, or used it to finance priestly duties performed among
his family. Again, the text gives us no sound answers.
Because Jacob's promised tithe resembles, even derives from, the
heathen practices of his neighbors, it adds little to our study. The basis
for the levitical tithe certainly does not derive from Jacob's practice. This
fact, coupled with Jacob's unconverted state and the silence of Scripture
as to the fulfillment of Jacob's vow, should cause us to dismiss Genesis
28 from consideration in the quest for the genesis of the tithe.
IMPLICATIONS OF THE PRE-MOSAIC TITHE
FOR PRESENT-DAY INSTITUTIONS
If tithing were confined to the Mosaic Law it would be easy to dis-
miss its validity today. In that the Mosaic Law has been set aside in the
work of Christ (Rom 10:4,2 Cor 3:7-11, etc.), tithing, as part of that
unified legal corpus, would also be set aside.81 The pre-Mosaic tithe
complicates the issue, raising the possibility that the tithe might be a
trans-dispensational practice, part of the moral code of God, and thus a
continuing obligation for NT believers.
There can be no denial of the fact of tithing before the Law;
80 Cf., however, Barndollar, "The Scriptural Tithe," p. 111.
81 To be sure, many a covenant theologian would recoil at such a statement and as-
sert that the law is still in effect and the command to tithe is still in vogue (e.g., Edward
Powell and Rousas J. Rushdooney,
Tithing and Dominion [
House, 1979], pp. 11-14). The scope of this essay does not include this issue, so it will
be left for others to debate. Instead this section will address the continuing validity of the
tithe strictly on the basis of the pre-Mosaic practice.
The Pre-Mosaic Tithe 93
however, the assertion of a continuing principle necessitates more than a
mere mention of the term "tithe" prior to the giving of the Law. As
Pieter Verhoef, a non-dispensationalist, concedes, "a pre-Mosaic custom
does not, as a matter of course, transcend the Old Testament dispensa-
tion, becoming an element of the universal and timeless moral code."82
There must also be clear evidence that the tithe was divinely mandated
before the Law or somehow sourced in God's nature. Further, there
must be a parallelism between the practice of the tithe in the pre-Mosaic
period and that in our present experience.
God's Nature and Mandate and the Pre-Mosaic Tithe
Many suggest that the universal practice of the tithe and the failure
of attempts to identify its origin in the secular realm point to its divine
origin and continuing practice from Adam onward.83 Others do not
trace the practice to Adam, but contend that God gave Abram direct
revelation, and "started allover," establishing a new precedent with
that was continued by
many flaws with this theory.
First, it has already been established that neither Abel's nor Jacob's
practices are legitimate paradigms for a biblical tithe. Thus, we are left
with only Abram's practice to prove that the tithe was practiced by all
God-fearers for the millennia prior to the giving of the Law. This hasty
generalization from a single datum of evidence renders the argument
Second, universality of practice in the secular realm does not prove
that God is the originator of the tithe. This is yet another logical non se-
quitur. It seems far more reasonable that Abraham was not acting by di-
vine mandate, but in accordance with the ancient Near Eastern customs
of his day.85
82 "Tithing: A Hermeneutical Consideration," in The Law and the Prophets: Old
Prepared in Honor of O. T. Allis, ed. John H. Skilton
Presbyterian and Reformed, 1974), p. 122.
83 Landsell, Sacred Tenth, ; Babbs, Law of the Tithe, pp. 24-25. E. B. Stewart
further maintains that «divine acceptance. . . is a demonstration of a divine institution"
(The Tithe, p. 37). This is a classic example of a non sequitur.
84 R. T. Kendall, Tithing (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1982), p. 45; Driver, Genesis,
p. 166; Skinner, Genesis, p. 269.
possibility in no wise reduces
practices that evolved into a final form. God clearly created the OT Jewish legal system
by divine fiat, and was by no means bound to pagan customs in his formation of the
Law. On the other hand, neither was he obliged to avoid all pagan customs in the for-
mation of the Law. Timothy H. Fisher, for instance, notes that the pagan practice of cir-
cumcision predates God's institution of circumcision in Genesis 17 by hundreds of years
("A Study of the Old Testament Tithe," [Th.M. Thesis, Capital Bible Seminary, 1990]
Third, there is no basis for claiming
of tithing from Abraham or Jacob. On the contrary, it is clear that "the
normative significance of tithing must be considered within the context
of the ceremonial law."86 Indeed, both post-pentateuchal injunctions for
not the practice of the patriarchs (Neh -39; Mal 3:7-10).
Fourth, there is never an appeal to God's nature or to creation as a
basis for tithing. How a mere percentage, apart from an explicit com-
mand, can take on moral value is impossible to establish.
Fifth and in summary, the hypotheses that the pre-Mosaic tithe had
its basis in God's command, God's nature, or God's approval all argue
Parallels to the Pre-Mosaic Tithe
Another argument against the continuing applicability of the tithe is
the simple lack of present-day parallels to the pre-Mosaic practice.
First, Abram's tithe was apparently a one-time act, not a regular
giving pattern. There is no record of Abram's return to Melchizedek,
and the references to his tithe in the singular in Hebrews 7:4, 6 point to
a one-time gift.87
Second, Abram's tithe was made strictly on the spoils of war seized
from the coalition of eastern kings. While the Hebrew and Greek texts
simply state that Abram made a tithe of "all," this clearly cannot mean
he gave Melchizedek a tenth of his entire possessions--Abram surely was
seems certain that it was only the spoils on which Abram tithed.
Third, there is no present-day recipient of a tithe that can parallel
Melchizedek. The church bears little resemblance to a priest/clan-leader.
Furthermore, the usage of the tithe by Melchizedek and the church
(missions outreach, etc.) are dissimilar.
We conclude, then, that there is nothing in pre-Mosaic tithing
practices to serve as a basis for viewing the tithe as a trans-dispensational
p. 11, n. 1). This issue is also addressed by David G. Barker ("The Old Testament He-
brew Tithe" [Th.M. Thesis, Grace Theological Seminary, 1979], p. 131).
86 Verhoef, "Tithing," p. 122.
87 Again, Barndollar shows extraordinary carelessness in his exegesis, maintaining in
support of a regular tithe that "the writer of the Epistle to the Hebrews declares that
Melchizedek 'received tithes of Abraham' (Heb. 7:6). The plural number of the word
certainly suggests more than one visit by Abraham to Melchizedek for the purpose of the
presentation of his tithes to the Lord's high priest" ("Scriptural Tithe," p. 60). While the
King James Version does cast the tithe in verse 6 in the plural, and the Greek term for
tithe, dedeka<twken (dedeka<twke in the Majority Text and Textus Receptus), is incon-
clusive, a simple comparison with verse 4 results in a conclusion opposite Barndollar's.
The Pre-Mosaic Tithe 95
and thus a continuing principle for the NT church. There is simply no
evidence to support the claim.
In summary, this paper leaves the reader with the difficult and per-
haps unsatisfying verdict that the pre-Mosaic title did not originate with
divine revelation. In fact, the evidence suggests identifying the practice
of the patriarch's pagan neighbors as the basis for patriarchal tithing
practices. It is only as God placed theological significance on the tithe in
Leviticus that the tithe became mandatory and meaningful.
One looks in vain for evidence of proportional giving in the Cain
and Abel narrative, finding only a few short verses to even fuel the possi-
bility that any sacrifices at all were given to God apart from expiatory
sacrifices. Certainly there is insufficient evidence to support a tithe.
The first OT mention of the tithe is in the context of an extraordi-
nary event with no parallels in the levitical system or today. Instead, it
was a dispensational marker heralding the shift from the dispensation of
human government to the dispensations of promise. The recipient of
Abram's tithe and its purpose have no parallels in NT practice or in the.
The second OT mention of the tithe is even less helpful, as the
promised tithe of Jacob is never said to have been actually paid and the
giver has been demonstrated to be unconverted at the time of the vow.
The recipient and purpose of Jacob's tithe, if it ever materialized, are
cloaked in such obscurity that the identification of any parallels in the
present-day or in the levitical system is impossible.
We conclude, therefore, that the pre-Mosaic tithe was merely a
culture-bound, voluntary expression of worship reflective of the ancient
Near Eastern practice of the time, and adapted by Abraham as a means
of expressing gratitude and attributing glory to Yahweh.
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