Colossian
Problems
Part 1:
Jews and Christians
in the
F. F. Bruce
In antiquity several rivers in
River.1
The
southwestern
Phrygia and flowed into the
one
speaks of the cities of the
three
which are mentioned in the Book of Colossians:
was
by far the oldest; it was a city when Xerxes and his army
passed
that way in 480 B.C.2
Seleucid
King Antiochus II (261-246 B.C.);
the
constitution of a city from Eumenes II, king of
(197-160
B.C.).
The region formed part of the
overthrow
of Croesus, king of
Great's conquest of
and
a half the Lycus Valley was ruled by Alexander and
his
successors,
but by the Peace of Apamea, imposed by the Romans
on
Antiochus III in 188 B.C., it was taken from the Seleucids and
added
to the
realm
to the Romans, who four years later reorganized it as the
province
of
The cities of the
spite
of the severe damage they suffered from time to time be-
cause
of earthquakes. Their prosperity was based on their prin-
3
cipal industry -- the
manufacture and preparation of woolen
fabrics,
which were carried by river to the Aegean coast and
exported
to various parts of the ancient world.
Jewish Settlers in
Some Jewish settlement in western
back
to the sixth century B.C.; apparently Jewish exiles were in
the
Lydian capital,
Josephus
said Seleucus I (312-281 B.C.) granted Jews full
civic
rights
in all the cities he founded.4 (It is wise to consider carefully
what
is meant by "full civic rights" when their enjoyment by Jews
in
a Hellenistic city is mentioned by Josephus or other Jewish
writers.)
Antiochus II is said to have planted Jewish colonies in
the
cities of Ionia.5 But Jewish settlement in
significant
scale is to be dated late in the third century B.C.,
when
Antiochus III, having recovered
rebellious
uncle Achaeus (214 B.C.), ordered his satrap Zeuxis
to
send
2,000 Jewish families with their property from
military
settlers in the garrisons and other vital centers of those
two
regions. Houses and cultivable lands were to be provided for
them,
they were to be exempt from taxation for 10 years, and they
were
to have the right to live under their own laws.6
The essential credibility of this
report by Josephus, and of
the
royal decree which it embodies, may be confidently accepted.
The
king's letter to Zeuxis, says Rostovtzeff,
"undoubtedly gives
us
exactly the normal procedure when the Seleucids founded a
colony."7
One Zeuxis was satrap of
he
may be identical with the Zeuxis who was satrap of
between
201 and 190 B.C.9
An explanation of Antiochus III's
belief that Babylonian Jews
were
the kind of settlers who would help stabilize disaffected
areas
of his empire may perhaps be provided in an enigmatic
allusion
in 2 Maccabees 8:20. There Judas Maccabaeus is said
to
have
encouraged his troops on one occasion, when they were
threatened
by a much superior army, by reminding them of "the
battle
with the Galatians that took place in
8,000
in all went into the affair, with 4,000 Macedonians; and
when
the Macedonians were hard pressed, the 8,000, by the help
that
came to them from heaven, destroyed 120,000 and took
much
booty." This tradition, which has doubtless lost nothing in
the
telling (particularly with regard to the numbers on the oppos-
Jews and Christians in the Lycus valley
5
ing side), probably refers to the
earlier part of the reign of Anti-
ochus III. The
Galatians habitually hired out their services as
mercenaries;
presumably on this occasion Galatian mercenaries
were
engaged on the side of some of Antiochus' enemies. The help
then
given him by Babylonian Jews could well have moved him to
settle
a number of them in Phrygia and
interests
in those territories.
The political changes by which the
cessively under the rule of
difference
to the Jews who resided there. Even the overrunning
of
proconsular
years'
war, did not seriously disturb them. Almost immediately
after
the end of the Mithridatic war evidence points to a
large and
prosperous
Jewish population in the
boring
parts of
In 62 B.C. Lucius
Valerius Flaccus, proconsul
of
pounded
the proceeds of the annual half-shekel tax which the
Jews
of his province, in common with male Jews 20 years of age
and
older throughout the world, contributed for the mainte-
nance of the temple
in
official
ban on the export of gold and silver from the Roman
Empire
to foreign countries. But it may well be that by use and
custom,
if not by senatorial decree, an exception was made in
respect
to the Jewish temple tax; and in any case it could be
argued
that from 63 B.C.
no
longer counted as a foreign country. Flaccus was
brought to
court
in 59 B.C. on a charge of acting illegally in the matter; he was
defended
by
preserved.10
ished by the export
of so much wealth year by year; therefore he
may
have exaggerated in his estimate of the sums of money
involved.
However that may be, he stated that at
Apamea gold amount-
ing to just under 100 Roman pounds
had been impounded: at
dard of 36 aurei (gold denarii) to the
gold pound (libra)
was in
force,
and the aureus was reckoned to be equivalent to 25 drach-
mae or denarii. Therefore it has been
calculated that nearly
45,000
half-shekels (didrachma)
were collected at Apamea, and
over
9,000 at Laodicea.11 This does not mean that there were
'respectively
45,000 and 9,000 male Jews of the appropriate age
resident
at Apamea and
6
Bibliotheca Sacra--January-March 1984
which
the money collected in the surrounding districts was
brought
for conversion into more manageable form and eventual
dispatch
to
exaggeration,
the Jewish population of
able.
Later in the same century the
collection and export of the
half-shekel
were expressly authorized in successive decrees of
Julius
Caesar and Augustus.12 Augustus' right-hand man Mar-
cus Vipsanius
Agrippa took specific measures in 14 B.C. (at the
request
of Herod the Great) to protect the Jews of Asia Minor
against
interference with this privilege (and also against being
compelled
to appear in law courts on the Sabbath day).13
Josephus quotes a letter sent by the magistrates
of
about
45 B.C. to a Roman official, probably the proconsul of
confirming
that, in accordance with his directions, they would
not
impede Jewish residents in the observance and other prac-
tices of their
religion.14 In A.D. 2/3 Augustus issued a full state-
ment of Jewish
rights in that part of the empire; it was posted up
in
Ancyra, capital of the
After the end of the second Jewish
commonwealth in A.D. 70
the
Jews of the dispersion continued to enjoy their privileges,
apart
from the diversion of the half-shekel tax to the temple of
Jupiter
Capitolinus in
the
maintenance of their privileges in Alexandria16 and Syrian
the
eastern provinces. Ramsay thought that evidence for a specif-
ic provision safeguarding Jewish
privileges at Apamea was to be
found
in a tomb inscription of the third century A.D. directing
that
no one was to be buried in the tomb except its owner and his
wife.
"If any one acts [contrary to this direction]," the inscription
concludes,
"he knows the law of the Jews."18 Ramsay inferred at
one
time that "the law of the Jews" here invoked could not be the
Mosaic
Law but was a local regulation registered with the city
authorities,
protecting the burial privileges of the Jewish
community.19
This is possible; but two Jewish tomb inscriptions
of
the mid-third century, from Blaundos and Akmonia, in west-
central
Deuteronomy"
(presumably in Deut. 28:15-68),20 so "the law of
the
Jews" in the Apamea inscription could very well
be the Mosaic
Law.
(A similar inscription from
200,
stipulates that for any unauthorized burial in the tomb a
fine
must be paid to the Jewish community in that city.21)
Jews and Christians in the
From a comparative study of Greek
inscriptions in
Ramsay
deduced that the Jewish communities of that region
were
marked by a degree of religious laxity exceptional in the
diaspora — that members
of Jewish families could combine the
office
(or at least the title) of a]rxisuna<gwgoj
with responsible
participation
in pagan cults.22 The evidence is not unambiguous;
his
deductions depended at times on his identification of the
bearers
of certain family names as Jews just because they bore
those
names. From an inscription in Akmonia, Ramsay quoted
a
reference
to one Julia Severa who was honored by the local
synagogue23
and was mentioned on local coins of Nero, Agrippina
(the
younger), and Poppaea as having held municipal office
together
with her husband Servenius Capito
(say, between A.D.
54
and 65).24 It was difficult to hold such office without at least
some
involvement in local cults, not to mention the imperial cult.
But
Julia Severa appears to have been a descendant of
Herod,25
and
members of the Herod family were not typical Jews.
On the inscription which mentions
Julia Severa refer-
ence is made to one
Gaius Tyrronius Cladus as a
life-long
a]rxisuna<gwgoj.
Ramsay judged that "the strange name Tyrro-
nius . . . may in
all cases be taken as Jewish, "26 and went on to
draw
inferences of doubtful cogency from its other inscriptional
occurrences
— a course which he himself admitted to be one "of
speculation
and uncertainty, where each step is more slippery
than
the preceding one."27 Some outward conformity with pagan
customs
on the part of influential Jews in
as
established; but it would be precarious to draw conclusions
from
this about forms of syncretism that might be reflected in
the
beliefs and practices deprecated in Paul's Epistle to the
Colossians.
The influence of the Jewish
settlements in
folklore
of the region is well illustrated at Apamea, where
the
story
of Noah was taken over as a local cult legend, to the point
where
the Septuagint word for "ark" (Kibwto<j) appears as an
alternative
name for the city. Probably a local flood legend was
there
already, before Jewish settlement in the area began, but
under
Jewish influence it was merged with the Flood narrative of
Genesis.
On Apamean coins of the third century A.D. there
appears
an ark with the inscription Nw?e (the Septuagintal form
of
Noah's name), floating on water; in it are two human figures,
while
two others, a man and a woman, stand beside it; on top is a
raven
and above it a dove with an olive branch in its beak. Two
8
Bibliotheca Sacra—January-March
1984
phases
of the story are thus represented: in one, Noah and his
wife
are in the ark; in the other, they are on dry land beside the
ark,
thanking God for their preservation.28
This Phrygian setting for the story of
Noah is recorded in the
Sibylline
Oracles (1.
261-65): "In the
tapering
of
the great Marsyas well forth. The ark remained on the
peak of
that
height when the waters abated." The River Marsyas
or
Catarrhactes (modern Dinar-su) rises in a recess under the
acropolis
of ancient Celaenae; it flows through Apamea (modern
Dinar),
on the outskirts of which it falls into the
Evidently
the Sibylline author identified Ararat with the acropolis
of
Celaenae.
Christianity in
The inclusion of
grims came to
death
and resurrection (Acts 2:10) may be designed to prepare
the
reader for the eventual evangelization of that region.29
Whether
that is so or not, the gospel came to
quarter
of a century from that date. In
Phrygian
and Galatian region" of Acts 16:6) the cities of
Pisidian
as
Xenophon calls it30 — were evangelized by Barnabas and Paul
in
A.D. 47 or 48 (Acts 13:14-14:4). Phrygia Asiana
farther west,
including
the
during
Paul's Ephesian ministry, when "all who lived in
heard
the word of the Lord, both Jews and Greeks" (Acts 19:10).
The
plain
from Colossians 2:1 that he was not personally acquainted
with
the churches there. He had certainly met individual mem-
bers of those
churches such as Philemon, who indeed appears to
have
been one of his converts (that is the natural sense of his
reminder
to him in Phile. 19, "you owe to me even your own self").
The
preaching of the gospel and planting of churches in the Lycus
Valley
were evidently the work of Epaphras, whom Paul calls
his
"fellow
bond-servant" (Col. 1:7) and "fellow-prisoner" (Phile. 23).
Possibly when Paul journeyed overland
from the east to
way
of the
Jews and
Christians in the
upper
parts," a]nwterika>
me<rh; Acts 19:1), Luke may have meant
the
Lycus route. Any district up country could be called
"the
upper
parts" from the standpoint of
shore.
But it has commonly been thought more probable that he
went
by a higher road farther north, which left the Lycus
route at
Apamea and approached
gis, not on the south of it (as the Lycus road did).31
A reasonable inference from Luke's
account is that, while
Paul's
personal headquarters were in
of
the evangelizing of proconsular
active
in other parts of the province (such as Epaphras in
the
which
the Johannine Apocalypse was addressed, as well as
other
Asian
churches, were planted during that fertile period.32
The only direct information in the New
Testament about
Christianity
in the
the
Colossians and to Philemon, and in the letter to the Laodi-
cean church (Rev.
3:14-22). The passage in Revelation 3 suggests
that
the churches of the
ity of their environment; the
cutting edge of their distinctive
Christian
witness was accordingly blunted. Among various
touches
of local color in the letter to
lukewarmness for which the
church is rebuked. By contrast with
the
medicinal hot springs of
of
cold water available at
through
high-pressure stone pipes from Denizli, some five
miles
distant,
and by the time it reached
Perhaps,
like the water which the villagers of Ecirli are
reported
as
drawing today from the
it
had to be left standing in stone jars until it cooled.33
The churches of
communication;
the cities stood 10 miles apart, on opposite
banks
of the Lycus. Paul directed the Colossian Christians
to
send
on his letter to the Laodicean church when they
themselves
had
read it, and to make sure that in exchange they received and
read
the "letter from
itself,
but no solution to it is to be offered here. The letter has
been
identified with one or another of the letters to the Ephe-
sians, to Philemon,
and to the Hebrews. One of these identifica-
tions may be right,
or all may be wrong. It is not even certain that
the
letter in question was written by Paul. If he had sent a letter to
10
Bibliotheca Sacra—January-March
1984
the
Laodicean church about that time, why should he have
used
the
Epistle to the Colossians to send greetings to "the brethren
who
are in
named
house church?34
Again, why is Paul's message to Archippus given immediate-
ly after the apostle referred to
ministry
was to be exercised in the Laodicean church? Perhaps
it
was;
if so, has this any bearing on the mention of his name in
Philemon
2, where Paul calls him "our fellow-soldier"? To put
flesh
on these bare bones calls for a measure of creative imagina-
tion with which this
writer has not been endowed.35 This at least
may
be said: the churches of the
involved
in one another's life and witness.
The later references in the New Testament
to the churches of
elders
of the Ephesian church he warned them of times of
trouble
ahead,
trouble caused not only by hostile assaults from outside
but
also by false teachers within (Acts 20:29-30). That these
forebodings
were well founded is evident from 2 Timothy 1:15,
where
"all who are in
Paul,
that is, presumably, from the purity of the gospel. One need
not
suppose that the churches of the
from
this unfavorable report. The apocalyptic letter to the church
of
Happily the faith of the Asian
churches, including the Lycus
churches,
was revived in the latter part of the first century by the
immigration
of some Palestinian believers whose association
with
the Christian movement went back to early days. Among
these
were Philip and at least some of his four prophesying
daughters,
whose tombs were pointed out at
the
end of the second century.36 There is some confusion in
Eusebius
or his sources between Philip the apostle and Philip the
evangelist.
The reference is probably to Philip the evangelist,
with
whom Paul and his companions spent several days at
Caesarea
in A.D. 57 before completing their journey to
to
hand over the Gentile churches' gifts to the mother church
(Acts
21:8-14). Not surprisingly in due course a church was
dedicated
in Philip's honor at Hierapolis.37 Of later date (the fifth
century)
is the octagonal Martyrion
of Philip, substantial ruins of
which
still stand above the city, outside the walls.
Jews and Christians in the
In the first half of the second
century the bishop of
was
Papias,38 contemporary with Polycarp (bishop of
and
one who, like Polycarp, heard in his younger days of "John
the
disciple of the Lord.”39 Even if Papias'
intelligence was as
small
as Eusebius reckoned is to be (probably quoting Papias'
depreciation
of himself),41 the loss of his volumes of Exegesis of
the
Dominical Oracles is to be greatly regretted. Whatever might
be
the historical value of the remnants of oral tradition which he
scraped
together in these volumes, it would be interesting to
know
what they were.
Another bishop of
century,
was Claudius Apollinaris, who about A.D. 172
presented
a
treatise in defense of the Christian faith to the Emperor Marcus
Aurelius.
This treatise is lost, as are also other works of his
including
five volumes of Against the Greeks,
two volumes of
Against the Jews, two volumes of
On the Truth, and one or more
treatises
against the Montanists.41
The Montanists
arose in
second
century. Their leader, Montanus, prophesied that the
new
Jerusalem would soon descend from heaven and take up its
location
near Pepouza, a city about 30 miles north of the Lycus
Valley,
between the
of
origin Montanism was known in other parts of the
Christian
world
as the Phrygian heresy. But despite the vigor of Montan-
ism,
orthodoxy was far from dying out in
As for
the
second and third centuries. The city itself stood on the south
bank
of the Lycus, but its necropolis was situated on the
north
bank.
On the north bank, too, was later erected the Byzantine
church
of Saint Michael the Archistrategos,
fated to be destroyed
by
Turkish raiders in 1189. According to Ramsay, its ruins were
still
"plainly visible in 1881."43 It remained the religious
center of
the
district even after the population of
nai, the modern
south,
at the foot of
remains
unoccupied, it presents an inviting prospect to
archaeologists.)
It has been suggested that the angel
worship, which, accord-
ing to Colossians 2:18, was one
aspect of the "Colossian heresy,"
reflected
a local tendency which persisted for centuries. Ramsay
quoted
from the commentary of Theodoretus on that verse and
from
Canon 35 of the Synod of Laodicea words which indicate
12
Bibliotheca Sacra—January-March 1984
that
the practice of praying to angels was maintained for some
centuries
by Phrygian and Pisidian Christians in face of
official
ecclesiastical
prohibition.44 At a still later date this practice,
which
had once been condemned as idolatrous, came to be reck-
oned as piety in the
form of the veneration of the archangel
Michael,
who was credited from the ninth century onward with
being
the author of a natural phenomenon in the vicinity of
most
improbable that the practices which incurred the dis-
approval
of the Synod of Laodicea and of Theodoretus bore any
direct
relationship to those deplored by Paul in his Letter to the
Colossians.
to
the resident Christians (Rev. 3:14-22). Evidence of spiritual
life
was there for several centuries to come. Similarly, according
to
the testimony of Ignatius, the
ered a good measure
of its first love by the time he passed through
proconsular Asia on his way
to martyrdom in
110.46
(It is not clear whether Ignatius' military escort took the
road
through the
right
at Apamea and ran north of
through
the
adelphia and
nearly
six centuries earlier. Ignatius made no mention in his
letters
of any city through which he passed before his arrival at
In
the centuries immediately following, the secular promi-
nence of
matched
its secular importance; its bishop ranked highest
among
the bishops of
about
A.D. 363, but hardly anything is known of its proceedings
apart
from the 60 "Canons of Laodicea" which it promulgated.
(The
60th of these, a list of the canonical books of Scripture, may
be
of later date.) Several of these rules were probably restate-
ments of decisions
reached at earlier church councils, but they
were
acknowledged by later councils as a basis of canon law.
The excavations carried out on the
site of
1961
and 1963, under the sponsorship of
The
most impressive discovery was of a Nymphaeum, a
shrine of
Jews and Christians in the
the
nymphs, with public fountains. After its destruction by an
earthquake
late in the fifth century this building was repaired for
use
as a Christian meeting place, as is evident from the Christian
symbols
which now decorated it.47
The site was abandoned in the wake of
Turkish invasions of
the
13th century; its place as the political center of the region was
taken
by Denizli. But Christianity survived in the
as
in many other parts of
made
provision for the wholesale exchange of the Greek residents
in
in
carried
through effectively on a religious basis. Greek-speaking
Muslims
in
Greeks
and transferred to
stands
on this scale, however intelligible it may be in terms of
international
politics, must be deplored as a tragedy by anyone
with
a sense of Christian history.
Editor's
Note
This is the first in a series of
four articles delivered by the author as the W. H.
1-4,
1983.
Notes
1
In addition to the Phrygian Lycus (modern Curuk-su) there was one in
(modern
Kum Cayi) and one in
2
Herodotus Histories 7.30.
3
"Sepharad" in Ob. 20, like Akkadian Sapardu and Old Persian Sfarda, is
probably
an approximation to the Lydian name of the city.
4
Josephus The Antiquities of the Jews
12.119.
5
Ibid., 12.125.
6
Ibid., 12.149.
7
M. Rostovtzeff, Social
and Economic History of the Hellenistic World (
The
Letter of Antiochus III to Zeuxis regarding the Establishment of Jewish
Military
Colonies in Phrygia and
289-318.
(He dates the letter between 212 and 205 B.C.)
8
Polybius History 5.45ff.
9
Ibid., 12.1, 24; 21.16, 24.
10
11
Pro Flacco
68. See A. J. Marshall, "Flaccus and the Jews of
Asia (Pro .Flacco
28.67-69),"
12
Josephus The Antiquities of the Jews
16.162-63; Philo, Legation to Gaius
155-57.
14
Bibliotheca Sacra—January-March 1984
13
Josephus The Antiquities of the Jews
16.27-65.
14
Ibid., 14.241-43.
15
Ibid., 16.162-65. On this whole matter see E. M. Smallwood, The Jews under
Roman Rule (Leiden: E. J.
Brill, 1975), pp. 120-43.
16
Josephus The Antiquities of the Jews
12.121.
17
Josephus The Jewish Wars 7.100-111.
Also see Smallwood, The Jews under
Roman Rule, pp. 358-68.
18
Corpus Inscriptionum Judaicarum,
vol. 2, ed. J. B. Frey (
Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 1952),
no. 774.
19
William M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics
of Phrygia (
versity Press, 1897),
2:538, 669.
20
Corpus Inscriptionum
Judaicarum, no. 760; Monumenta Asiae Minoris
Antiqua, vol. 6, eds.
W. H. Buckler and W. M. Calder (
University
Press, 1939), nos. 335, 335a.
21
Corpus Inscriptionum
Judaicarum, no. 775.
22
But there is evidence that the title of a]rxisuna<gwgoj could be held
by a
Gentile,
the president of a non-Jewish assembly (see New
Documents Illustrating
Early
Christianity.
ed. G. H. R. Horsley [North
History
Documentary Research Centre,
23
Corpus Inscriptionum
Judaicarum, no. 766.
24
Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of
25
Cf. Smallwood, The Jews under Roman Rule,
p. 479. In Corpus Inscrip-
tionum Graecarum, vol. 3, ed. A.
Boeckh (Berlin: Reimer, 1853), no. 4033, one
member
of the family from
of
kings and tetrarchs."
26
Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of
27
Ibid.
28
Ibid., 2:669-72.
29
Luke's list of places differs sufficiently from similar lists which have been
compared
to his to suggest that he did not take it over as such from some literary
source
(astrological or otherwise) but was himself responsible for the selection (see
Bruce
M. Metzger, "Ancient Astrological Geography and Acts 2:9-11," New
Testament
Studies
[
30
Xenophon Anabasis 1.2.19.
31
See William M. Ramsay, The Church in the
(London:
Hodder and Stoughton, 1897), p. 94. It is less likely
that "the upper
parts"
should be taken as resumptive of "the Galatian region and
through
which Paul is said to have passed on his westward journey in Acts 18:23.
32
It has sometimes been inferred from Polycarp's Letter to the Philippians
(11:3)
that the gospel first came to
4:15.
But more probably, when Polycarp said, "we [the Smyrnaeans]
had not yet
known
God," he referred not to the time when Paul's Epistle to the Philippians
was
written
but to the time when
hesitation
in dating the origin of the Christian church in
within
the period 53-56" (C. J. Cadoux, Ancient Smyrna [
1938],
p. 310.
33
Cf. G. Weber. "Die Hochdruck-Wasserleitung von
Laodicea ad Lycum," Jahr-
buch des kaiserlich-deutschen archaologischen Institute 13 (1898): 1-13;
19
(1904):95-96;
M. J. S. Rudwick and E. M. B. Green, "The Laodicean Lukewarm-
ness,"
Expository Times 69 (1957-58):176-78.
34
C. P. Anderson suggested that Epaphras was the author
("Who Wrote 'The
Epistle
from
of
Paul," Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 5 [1975–761: 258-66).
Jews and Christians in the
35
It is no disparagement of a scholarly work to remark that John Knox's
Philemon among
the Letters of Paul
(London: Collins, 1960) gives evidence of
such
endowment.
36
Eusebius Ecclesiastical History
3.31.2-5; 3.39.9; 5.24.2, quoting Polycrates
of
37
An inscription of
archdeacon
and president of the holy and glorious apostle and divine, Philip" (E.
A.
Gardner, "Inscriptions Copied by [C. R.1 Cockerell
in
Hellenic Studies
6
[ 18851: 346; Ramsay. Cities and
Bishoprics of
2:552).
38
Eusebius Ecclesiastical History
2.15.2; 3.36.2; 3.39.1-17.
39
John migrated to
his
family; his residence at
Irenaeus of Lyons
(Against Heresies 3.1.2) and Polycrates (Eusebius EccIesiasti-
cal
History 3.31.3; 5.24.2). In the so-called anti-Marcionite
prologue to the Gospel
of
John, Papias appears to be called "John's dear
disciple." Irenaeus affirms that
Papias was a disciple
of John (Against Heresies 5.33.4); Eusebius virtually denies
it
(Ecclesiastical History 3.39.2).
40
Eusebius Ecclesiastical History
3.39.13; but see J. R. Harris, Testimonies
(Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1916), 1:119-20.
41
Eusebius Ecclesiastical History
4.26.1; 4.27.1; 5.5.4; 5.16.1; 5.19.1-2.
42
Ibid., 5.3.4; 5.16.1–5.18.13.
43
Cities and Bishoprics of
1
:215. Michael is called archistrategos
in both Greek versions of Daniel 8:11 and
in
several Greek apocrypha.
44
The Church in the
45
Ibid., 465-80.
46
Ignatius, To the Ephesians 1:3 et
passim.
47
J. des Gagniers et al., Laodicee du Lycos, Le Nymphee, Campagnes
1961–
1963, Universite Laval Recherches Archeologiques, Serie I (
de
l'Universite
: y
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