SYNTAX
OF THE
MOODS and TENSES
IN NEW TESTAMENT GREEK
By
ERNEST DE WITT
President of the
1923-25
THE
PREFACE TO THE SECOND
EDITION.
THE first edition of this work
appeared as a pamphlet in
1888.
In issuing this revised and enlarged edition, it seems
desirable
to state somewhat more fully than was done in the
former
preface the purpose which it is hoped the book will
serve.
Classified according to its intent, it belongs among the
aids
to the interpretation of the New Testament. It is de-
signed
to assist English-speaking students in the task of
translating
the Greek New Testament into English forms of
hought
and expression. The work has not been undertaken
under
the impression that grammar is an end in itself, or that
a
knowledge of it is the sole qualification for successful in-
terpretation,
but in the conviction that grammar is one of
the
indispensable auxiliaries of interpretation. The book is
written,
therefore, in the interest not of historical but of
exegetical
grammar, not of philology as such, but of philology
as
an auxiliary of interpretation. If it has any value for
historical
grammar, this is incidental. Its main purpose is
to
contribute to the interpretation of the New Testament by
the
exposition of the functions of the verb in New Testament
Greek,
so far as those functions are expressed by the dis-
tinctions
of mood and tense.
The student of the New Testament who
would interpret it
with
accuracy and clearness must possess -along with other
qualifications
for his work -a knowledge of the distinctions
of
thought which are marked by the different moods and
tenses
of the Greek verb. If he would acquire facility in the
work
of interpretation, he must have an easy familiarity with
the
leading uses of each mood and tense. It is not enough
vi PREFACE.
that
he have at hand for reference an encyclopedic treatise on
the
subject. He must acquire, as a personal mental posses-
sion,
a knowledge of the leading functions of the several
forms
of the Greek verb, and of the forms which express
those
functions in English. For this purpose he needs a book
which,
availing itself of the assured results of comparative
and
historical grammar, and applying to the interpretation of
the
Greek verb the principles of grammar and logic, the laws
both
of Greek and of English speech, shall enumerate the
various
functions of each mood and tense, exhibit in some
degree
their relative importance, and define each clearly.
The
definitions should be scientifically accurate, but they
should
at the same time be constructed with reference to the
point
of view of the interpreter. For the English-speaking
student
English usage must be constantly considered and
must
frequently be defined and compared with Greek usage.
If
such a book does not solve all the problems of New
Testament
grammar, it should, by its treatment of those -which
it
discusses, illustrate to the student the right method of
investigation
and so suggest the course which he must pursue
in
solving for himself those problems which the book leaves
unsolved.
My aim has been to provide a book fulfilling these
conditions.
The aim of the book has determined the
method of its con-
struction.
The usages which are of most frequent occurrence,
or
otherwise of especial importance, have been emphasized by
being
set in the largest type, with a title in bold-faced type.
The
table of contents also has been so constructed as to make
prominent
a conspectus of the leading uses. It may be well to
require
of students who use the book as a text-book that they
be
able to name and define these leading usages of each mood
and
tense; if they also commit to memory one of the Greek
examples
under each of these prominent usages, they will do
still
better.
The matter printed in smaller type
consists partly of fuller
exposition
of the usages defined in the more prominently
PREFACE. vii
printed
sections, partly of enumeration and definition of the
less
frequent usages. The portions in smallest type are
chiefly
discussions of the rarer or more difficult usages. They
are
an addition to the text-book proper, and are intended to
give
the work, to a limited extent, the character of a book of
reference.
The occasional discussions of English usage would
of
course have no place in a work on Greek grammar pure
and
simple, but to the end which this book is intended to
serve
they are as really germane as any discussions of the
force
of a Greek tense. One often fails to apprehend accu-
rately
a thought expressed in Greek quite as much through
inexact
knowledge of one's own language as through ignorance
of
Greek usage.
As concerns the extent to which I have
used the work of
others,
little need be added to the testimony which the pages
of
the book themselves bear. While gathering information
or
suggestion from all accessible sources, I have aimed to
make
no statement concerning New Testament usage which I
have
not myself proved by personal examination of the pas-
sages.
Respecting classical usage and pre-classical origins, I
have
relied upon those authorities which are recognized as
most
trustworthy.
On a subsequent page is added a list
of books and authors
referred
to by abbreviations in the body of the book. To all
of
the works there enumerated, as well as to those mentione:d
by
full title in the body of the book, I am under obligation for
assistance
or suggestion. It is a pleasure also to acknowledge
the
valuable assistance privately given by various friends.
Prominent
among these, though not completing the list, are
Professor
W. G. Hale of the University of Chicago, Profes-
sors
M. L. D'Ooge and W. W. Beman of the University of
Michigan,
my brother, Professor Henry F. Burton of the
University
of Rochester, and Professor George W. Gilmore
of
Brooklyn, N.Y. But I am chiefiy indebted to Professor
William
Arnold Stevens of the Rochester Theological Semi-
nary,
under whose instructions I first became interested in the
viii
PREFACE.
subject
of this book, and to whom my obligations in many
directions
are larger than can be acknowledged here.
In quoting examples from the New
Testament I have fol-
lowed
the Greek text of Westcott and Rort as that which
perhaps
most nearly represents the original text, but have
intended
to note any important variations of Tischendorf's
eighth
edition or of Tregelles in a matter affecting the point
under
discussion. The word text designates the preferred
reading
of the editor referred to, as distinguished from the
marginal
reading. In the English translation of the examples
I
have preferred to follow the Revised Version of 1881 rather
than
to construct entirely independent translations. Yet in
not
a few passages it has seemed necessary to depart from
this
standard either because the revisers followed a Greek text
different
from that of Westcott and Hort, or because their
translation
obscured the value of the passage as an illustration
of
the grammatical principle under discussion, or occasionally
because
I was unwilling even to seem to approve what I
regarded
as unquestionably an error of translation.
While I have given all diligence to
make the book correct
in
statement and in type, I dare not hope that it has altogether
escaped
either typographical errors or those of a more serious
character.
I shall welcome most cordially criticisms, sugges-
tions,
or corrections from any teacher or student into whose
hands
the book may fall.
ERNEST
D. BURTON
NOTE
TO THE THIRD EDITION.-It having become necessary to send the
plates
of this book to the press again, I have availed myself of the opportunity
to
correct such errors, typographical and other, as "have come to my
attention,
and
to make a few alterations of statement which use of the book has convinced
me
are desirable. The chief changes are in §§ 67 Rem. 1,98, 120, 137,142-145, 153,
189, 195, 198, 200 Rem., 202, 225, 235, 236, 318,325-328, 344 Rem. 2, 352
Rem.,
406, 407,485.
CHICAGO, June, 1898. E.
D. B.
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTORY.
SECTION
PAGE
1. Form and Function. . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
2. The Interpreter's Relation to
Grammar. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2-5
3, 4. The four Moods and the seven
Tenses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5
THE
TENSES.
5. Two-fold Function of the Tenses. .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
TENSES OF THE INDICATIVE
MOOD.
6, 7. General Definition of the Tenses
of the Indicative . . . . . . . . 6, 7
The Present
Indicative.
8-10.
PROGRESSIVE PRESENT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 7, 8
11. Conative Present. . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
12. GENERAL OR GNOMIC PRESENT . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
13. AORISTIC PRESENT . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
9
14. HISTORICAL PRESENT. . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9
15. PRESENT FOR THE FUTURE . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9, 10
16. Present of h!kw, pa<reimi, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . 10
17. PRESENT OF PAST ACTION STILL IN
PROGRESS. . . . . . 10
18. Similar use of the Aorist. . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
19. Present in Indirect Discourse . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
20. Periphrastic Form of the Present.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11
The Imperfect
Indicative.
21,
22. PROGRESSIVE IMPERFECT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . 12
23. Conative Imperfect. . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
24. IMPERFECT OF REPEATED ACTION. . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
25-27.
Minor uses of Secondary Tenses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . 13
28,
29. Imperfect translated by English Perfect and Pluperfect . . . . . . . . . . 13, 14
30-32.
Imperfect of Verbs denoting obligation, etc. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . 14,
15
33. Imperfect of Verbs of wishing . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15, 16
34. Periphrastic Form of the
Imperfect. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
ix
x
CONTENTS.
The Aorist Indicative.
SECTION
PAGE
35. Fundamental. Idea of the Aorist . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16,
17
36. Additional uses of the Aorist
Indicative . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17,
18
37. Functions of the Aorist
distinguished . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18, 19
38-40. HISTORICAL AORIST. . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19,
20
41. INCEPTIVE AORIST . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20,
21
42. RESULTATIVE AORIST . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
43. GNOMIC AORIST. . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
44. EPISTOLARY AORIST. . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
45. DRAMATIC AORIST . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
46. Aorist for the (English) Perfect.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22
47. Use of the Aorists a]pe<qanon, e]ce<sth, e@gnwn . . . . . . . . . . . 22
48. Aorist for the (English) Pluperfect
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 22,
23
49. Aorist Indicative in Indirect
Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
50. Aorist used proleptically . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
51. Minor uses of the Aorist. . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
52-55.
English Equivalents of the Greek Aorist Indica-
tive . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23-30
56,
57. Distinction between the Aorist and the Imperfect. . . . . . . . . . . . . 30, 31
The Future
Indicative.
58-66.
PREDICTIVE FUTURE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . 31-35
59. Aoristic Future. . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
60. Progressive Future. . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
61,
62. Relation of Aoristic and Progressive Future. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . 32, 38
63,
64. Types of Aoristic Future. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . 33, 34
65. Predictive Future as assertive or
promissory. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 34,
35
66. Predictive Future with ou] mh<. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 35
67,
68. IMPERATIVE FUTURE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . 35
69.GNOMIC FUTURE . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
70. DELIBERATIVE FUTURE. . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 35
71. Periphrastic Form of the Future .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36
72,
73. MiAAtI1 with the Infinitive. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . 36, 37
The Perfect
Indicative.
74. PERFECT OF COMPLETED ACTION. . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37
75,
76. PERFECT OF EXISTING STATE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 37,38
77. Intensive Perfect. . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38
78. Historical Perfect . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 38, 39
79. Gnomic Perfect. . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
CONTENTS. xi
SECTION
PAGE
80. Aoristic Perfect . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
81. Perfect Indicative in Indirect
Discourse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 39
82. Perfect Indicative translated by
English Past. . . . . . . . . . . 39,
40
83. Perfect used proleptically . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . 40
84. Periphrastic Form of the Perfect.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 40
85. Definition of the term
"complete” . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . 40, 41
86-88.
Aorist and Perfect compared. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 41-44
The Pluperfect.
89. PLUPERFECT OF COMPLETED ACTION. .
. . . . . . . . . 44
90. PLUPERFECT OF EXISTING STATE . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . 44, 45
91. Periphrastic Form of the
Pluperfect. ...45
92. Pluperfect and Aorist siInilarly
translated. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
The Future
Perfect.
93. Simple Future Perfect. . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
94. Periphrastic Future Perfect. . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 45
TENSES OF THE DEPENDENT
MOODS.
95. General Principles . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
96,
97. PRESENT OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 46
98. AORIST OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. . .
. . . . . . . . . . 46, 47
99,100.
FUTURE OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 47,48
101-103.
PERFECT OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. . . . . . . . . . . . . 48,49
104-109.
Tenses of the Infinitive after Prepositions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 49-51
110-114.
Tenses of the Dependent Moods in Indirect
Discourse. . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51-53
TENSES OF THE PARTICIPLE.
115-118.
General Principles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . 53, 54
The Present
Participle.
119. PRESENT PARTICIPLE OF
SIMULTANEOUS ACTION. 54,55
120-122.
PRESENT PARTICIPLE OF IDENTICAL ACTION. . . . . .
. 55,56
123-126.
GENERAL PRESENT PARTICIPLE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56-58
127. PRESENT PARTICIPLE FOR THE IMPERFECT
58
128-131.
Minor uses of the Present Participle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 58,
59
xii
CONTENTS.
The Aorist Participle.
SECTION
PAGE
132,
133. General Force of the Aorist Participle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 59-63
134-138.
AORIST PARTICIPLE OF ANTECEDENT ACTION. . . . . . 63,64
139-141.
AORIST P.ARTICIPLE OF IDENTICAL ACTION. . . . . . . . 64,65
142-145.
AORIST PARTICIPLE OF SUBSEQUENT ACTION. . . . . . 65-67
146. AORIST PARTICIPLE WITH THE OBJECT
OF A VERB OF
PERCEPTION. . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67
147. Aorist Participle with lanqa<nw. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 67
148,149.
Exceptional uses of the Aorist Participle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 67, 68
150,151.
Equivalence of the Aorist Participle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68-70
The Future
Participle.
152. GENERAL FORCE OF THE FUTURE PARTICIPLE.
. . . . 70, 71
153. MEAACI1J1 with the Infinitive,
denoting inten-
tion, etc. . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71
The Perfect
Participle.
154,155.
GENERAL FORCE OF THE PERFECT PARTICIPLE . . . . . . 71, 72
156. Perfect Participle used as a
Pluperfect. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 72
THE
MOODS.
MOODS IN PRINCIPAL
CLAUSES.
The
Indicative Mood.
157. GENERAL FORCE OF THE INDICATIVE.
73
158,169.
INDICATIVE IN QUALIFIED ASSERTIONS. 73,74
The
Subjunctive Mood.
160,161.
HORTATORY SUBJUNCTIVE. 74,75
162-167.
PRoHmITORY SUBJUNCTIVE. 75,76
168-171.
DELIBERATIVE SUBJUNCTIVE. 76-78
172,
173. SUBJUNCTIVE IN NEGATIVE ASSERTIONS. 78
The
Optative Mood.
174. Infrequency of the Optative in
later Greek.. 79 '
175-177.
OPTATIVE OF WISHING. 79
178,
179. POTENTIA.LOPTATIVE. " 79,80
CONTENTS. xiii
The
Imperative Mood
SECTION
PAGE
180. IMPERATIVE IN COMMANDS AND
EXHORTATIONS. 80
181. IMPERATIVE IN ENTREATIES AND
PETITIONS. . . . . 80
182,
183.IMPERATIVE TO EXPRESS CONSENT OR AN HYPOTHESIS 80, 81
184. Tenses of the Imperative in
Commands and Pro-
hibitions . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 81
FINITE MOODS IN SUBORDINATE
CLAUSES.
185-187.
Subordinate Clauses Classified. 81-83
Moods in Clauses Introduced
by Pinal Particles.
188,189.
Classification and General Usage. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
83, 84
190-196.
New Testament Use of Final Particles. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 84, 85
197-199.
PURE FINAL CLAUSES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 85,
86
200-204.
OBJECT CLAUSES AFTER VERBS OF EXHORTING, etc. . 87, 88
205-210.
OBJECT CLAUSES AFTER VERBS OF STRIVING, etc. 88-90
211-214.
SUBJECT, PREDICATE, AND APPOSITIVE CLAUSES INTRO-
DUCED BY i!na. . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 90, 91
215-217.
COMPLEMENTARY AND EPEXEGETIC CLAUSES INTRO-
DUCED BY i!na.
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91, 92
218-223.
CLAUSES OF CONCEIVED RESULT INTRODUCED BY i!na 92-95
224-227.
OBJECT CLAUSES AFTER VERBS OF FEAR AND DANGER 95,96
Moods in Clauses
of Cause.
228. Definition. . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 97
229,
230. Moods and Tenses in Causal Clauses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 97
231,232.
Independent Causal Sentences. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 98
233, Other Methods of Expressing Cause
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 98
234. Definition . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
235. Distinction between Indicative
and Infinitive in Con-
secutive Clauses. 99
236. Indicative with WO"TE. 99,
100
237. Independent Consecutive
Sentences. 100
Moods in Conditional
Sentences.
238-241.
Definition and Classification. 100, 101
242-247.
SIMPLE PRESENT OR PAST PARTICULAR SUPPOSITION 102,103
xiv
CONTENTS.
SECTION
PAGE
248,
249. SUPPOSITION CONTRARY TO FACT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103,104
250.
FUTURE SUPPOSITION WITH MORE PROBABILITY . . . . 104
251-256.
Variant Forms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . 104, 105
257. Particular and General
Suppositions referring
to the Future . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
258. Present and Future Suppositions
in Indirect
Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 106
259.
FUTURE SUPPOSITION WITH LESS PROBABILITY
. . . . . 106, 107
260,
261. PRESENT GENERAL SUPPOSITION. 107 108
262,
263. Third and Fifth Classes compared. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 108
264.
First and Fifth Classes compared. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . 109
265.
[PAST GENERAL SUP:POSITION]. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109
266-277.
Peculiarities of Conditional Sentences. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 109-112
Moods
in Concessive Sentences.
278. Definition . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 112,
113
279-282.
El Kat and Kal el in Concessive Clauses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113, 114
283. General Usage of Moods and Tenses
in Con-
cessive Clauses. . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114
284.
CONCESSIVE CLAUSES OF THE FIRST CLASS. . . . . . . . . . . 114
285.
CONCESSIVE CLAUSES REFERRING TO THE FUTURE. . . 114, 115
286.
Concessive Clauses of the Fourth Class. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 115
287.
Concessive Clauses of the Fifth Class . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 115
288.
Concessive Particles in English. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . 115, 116
Moods in Relative
Clauses.
289-291.
Definition and Classification.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 116, 117
I. DEFINITE RELATIVE
CLAUSES.
292. Definition . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117, 118
293. Moods in Definite Relative
Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
118
294. Definite Relative Clauses
implying cause, result,
or concession. . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 118
295.
Restrictive and Explanatory Relative Clauses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 119
II. CONDITIONAL RELATIVE SENTENCES.
296-300.
Definition and Classification. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 119-121
301.
SIMPLE PRESENT OR PAST PARTICULAR SUPPOSITION . 121
302.
[SUPPOSITION CONTRARY TO FACT] 121
CONTENTS. xv
SECTION
PAGE
303-305.
FUTURE SUPPOSITION WITH MORE PROBABILITY.
121, 122
306-309.
Variant Forms. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
122,123
310.
Particular and General Suppositions referring
to the future. . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123
311.
[FUTURE SUPPOSITION WITH LESS PROBABILITY]. . . . . 123
312-314.
PRESENT GENERAL SUPPOSITION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123,124
315.
PAST GENERAL SUPPOSITION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 124, 125
316.
Clauses conditional in form, but definite in sense . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
III. RELATIVE CLAUSES
EXPRESSING PURPOSE.
317.
RELATIVE CLAUSES OF PURE PURPOSE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125
318-320.
Complementary Relative Clauses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 125, 126
IV.
RELATIVE CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY WORDS MEANING
UNTIL, WHILE, AND BEFORE.
321.
Definition of e!wj .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 126, 127
322,
323. CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY e!wj AND REFERRING
TO THE
FUTURE. . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 127
324-326.
CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY e!wj AND REFERRING TO
WHAT WAS IN PAST TIME A FUTURE CONTINGENCY
. . 127, 128
327.
CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY e!wj (UNTIL), AND REFER-
RING TO A PAST FACT. . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
128
328,
329. CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY e!wj (WHILE), AND
REFER-
RING TO A CONTEMPORANEOUS EVENT. . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . 128
330.
!Ewj followed by ou#
or o!tou . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . 128, 129
331,
332. Clauses introduced by a@xri, a@xri ou$ etc. . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . 129
333.
Clauses introduced by pri<n . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 129
Moods in Indirect
Discourse.
334-340.
Definition and Classification. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . 130-132
341,
342. Classical Usage in Indirect Discourse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . 132
343-346.
New Testament Usage in Indirect Discourse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 132-134
347.
Single dependent Clauses in Indirect Discourse . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 134
348.
Imperfect for Present, and Pluperfect for Per-
fect in Indirect Discourse. . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 134, 135
349,
350. Relative Pronouns in Indirect Discourse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 135
351-356.
Indirect Discourse in English and in Greek
Construction after
Kai> e]ge<neto
357-360.
Three Forms of the Idiom. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . 142,143
xvi
CONTENTS.
THE
INFINITIVE.
SECTION
PAGE
361-363.
Origin, and Classification of Uses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143-145
The Infinitive
without the Article.
364,
365. IMPERATIVE INFINITIVE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
366,
367. INFINITIVE OF PURPOSE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 146
368.
INFINITIVE AS AN INDIRECT OBJECT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
369-371.
INFINITIVE OF RESULT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147-150
372-374.
Exceptional usages. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 150
375.
INFINITIVE DEFINING CONTENT OF A PREVIOUS VERB
OR NOUN. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 150, 151
376,
377. INFINITIVE LIMITING ADJECTIVES AND ADVERBS. 151
378,
379. INFINITIVE LIMITING NOUNS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 151, 152
380-382.
INFINITIVE AFTER pri<n or pri>n h@ . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 152
383.
INFINITIVE USED ABSOLUTELY. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153
384,
385. INFINITIVE AS SUBJECT. . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 153
386.
INFINITIVE AS APPOSITIVE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 153
387-389.
INFINITIVE AS OBJECT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 153, 154
390.
Infinitive in Indirect Discourse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . 154, 155
391.
Infinitive after verbs of hoping, promising, swear-
ing, commanding, etc. . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 155
The Infinitive
with the Article.
392.
General Use of Infinitive with the Article. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 155, 156
393.
INFINITIVE WITH to< AS SUBJECT. . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . 156
394.
INFINITIVE WITH to< AS OBJECT. . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . 156
395.
INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE, IN APPOSITION. . . . . . . 156, 157
396.
INFINITIVE WITH t&? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
397.
INFINITIVE OF PURPOSE WITH tou? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 157
398.
INFINITIVE OF RESULT WITH tou? . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . 157, 158
399.
INFINITIVE WITH tou? AFTER ADJECTIVES. . . . . . . . . . . .
. 158
400.
INFINITIVE WITH tou? AFTER NOUNS. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . 158
401.
INFINITIVE WITH tou? AFTER VERBS THAT TAKE THE
GENITIVE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 158, 159
402,
403. Various constructions after Verbs of hindering
. . . . . . . . . . 159
404,
405. INFINITIVE WITH tou? AS SUBJECT OR OBJECT. . . . . 159, 160
406-417.
INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE GOVERNED BY PREPO-
SITIONS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 160-163
CONTENTS. xvii
THE
PARTICIPLE.
SECTION
PAGE
418.
General Nature of the Participle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163
419.
Classification respecting logical force . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 163,
164
The
Adjective Participle.
420,
421. Definition and Classification. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
422.
RESTRICTIVE ATTRIBUTIVE PARTICIPLE. . . . . . . . . . 164, 165
423.
Restrictive Attributive Participle with Subject
omitted. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
424.
Noun without the article limited by a Participle
with the article. . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 165
425..
Neuter Participle with the article equivalent to an
abstract Noun. . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 166
426.
EXPLANATORY ATTRIBUTIVE PARTICIPLE . . . . . . . . 166
427.
Order of words with Attributive Participle
limiting a Noun with the article. . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
166, 167
428.
Attlibutive Participle conveying a subsidiary idea
of cause, purpose, etc. . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167
429,
430. PREDICATIVE ADJECTIVE PARTICIPLE. . . . . . . . . 167
431.
Predicative Participle used to form periphrastic
tenses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168
432,
433. Participles in Predicate in various construc-
tions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168, 169
The Adverbial
Participle.
434.
Definition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . 169
435.
ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE OF TIME. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169
436.
ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE OF CONDITION. . . .
. . . . . . . 169
437,438.
ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE OF CONCESSION. . .
. . . 170
439.
ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE OF CAUSE. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170
440,
441. Participle of Cause with w[j . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 170,
171
442.
ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE OF PURPOSE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
443.
ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE OF MEANS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
444.
ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE OF MANNER. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
445,
446. [Wj with the Participle denoting Manner . .
. . . . . . . . . . . 172
447.
Participle of Manner or Means denoting same
action as that of the principal Verb. .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 172,
173
448.
Intensive Participle-Hebraistic . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 173
xviii
CONTENTS.
SECTION
PAGE
449,
450. ADVERBUL PARTICIPLE OF ATTENDANT CIRCUM.
STANCE. . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
173,174
451.
More than one adverbial relation implied by
the same Participle. . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174
452-454.
Genitive Absolute. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 174, 175
455.
Position of Adverbial Participle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 175
The Substantive
Participle.
456.
Definition. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . 175
457.
SUBSTANTIVE PARTICIPLE AS SUBJECT. . . . . . . . . . . . 175
458,459.
SUBSTANTIVE PARTICIPLE AS OBJECT. . . . . . . . . . 176
460.
Substantive Participle in Indirect Discourse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 176
461.
SUBSTANTIVE PARTICIPLE AS A LIMITING GENITIVE 176
462.
Position of Substantive Participle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
177
463.
Substantive Participle distinguished from Ad.
jective
Participle used substantively. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 177
THE USE OF NEGATIVES WITH
VERBS.
464.
General Usage. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . 178
NEGATIVES WITH THE
INDICATIVE.
465.
Negatives in Independent declaratory Sentences. . . . . . . . . . . . 178
466.
Negatives with a Prohibitory Future. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179
467.
Negatives in Questions. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . 179
468.
Mh> ou] in Rhetorical Questions. . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . 179
469,
470. Negatives in Conditional and Conditional Relative
Clauses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 179, 180
471.
Ei] mh< in the sense of except. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . 180
472.
Ou]
after mh< as a conjunction. . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
473.
Negatives in Indirect Discourse. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
474.
Negatives in Causal Clauses and in simple Relative
Clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181
NEGATIVES WITH THE SUBJUNCTIVE,
OPTATIVE,
AND IMPERATIVE.
475.
Negatives with the Subjunctive. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 181, 182
476,477.
Negatives with the Optative. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 182
479.
Negatives with the Imperative. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. 182, 183
CONTENTS.
xix
NEGATIVES WITH THE INFINITIVE AND
PARTICIPLE.
SECTION PAGE
480.
General Usage of Negatives with the Infinitive. . . . . . . . . . 183
481.
Negatives with a limitation of an Infinitive or of its
subject. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 183,184
482.
Compound of ou] with an Infinitive dependent on a
principal verb limited by ou] .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184
483.
Redundant mh< with Infinitive after verbs of
hinder-
ing, denying, etc. . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184
484.
Negative with Infinitive dependent on a verb itself
egatived by ou] .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 184
485.
General Usage of Negatives with the Participle. . . . . . . . 184, 185
SUCCESSIVE AND DOUBLE
NEGATIVES.
486.
Two simple Negatives, or a compound Negative fol-
lowed by a simple Negative. . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185
487,
488. Double Negative ou] mh<. . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 185,
186
489.
Negative followed by similar compound Negative or
double Negative. . . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 186
LIST OF WORKS
AND AUTHORS
REFERRED TO BY
ABBREVIATION.
A.J.P. . . . . . American Journal of Philology.
Alf. . . . . . .
Henry Alford, The Greek New Testament. 4 vols. Lon-
don.
A.
V. . . . . . Authorized Version of the New Testament.
B. . . . . . . .
. Alexander
Buttmann, A Grammar of the New Testament
Greek. Translated
by J. H. Thayer. Andover, 1873.
Bib. Sac. . . . Bibliotheca Sacra.
Br. . . . . . . .
. Karl Brugmann, Griechische Grammatik, in Iwan Mut-
ler's Handbuch der
klassischen Altertumswissenschaft,
vol. II. Second
Edition. Miinchen, 1890.
Cl. Rev. . . . . Classical Review.
Del. . . . . . . . B.
Delbruck, Syntaktische Forschungen. Halle, 1871-
1888.
Ev. Pet.. . . . Apocryphal Gospel of Peter. (Verses according
to the
edition of
Harnack, Leipzig, 1893.)
G. . . . . . . .
. W. W. Goodwin, A Greek Grammar. Revised Edition.
Boston, 1892.
Gild. . . . . . . Basil L.
Gildersleeve, various papers in A.J.P. and
T.A.P.A.
G.MT.
. . . . . W. W. Goodwin, Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of the
Greek Verb.
Revised and enlarged. Boston, 1889.
Gr. . . . . . . .
. Thomas Sheldon Green, A Treatise on the Grammar of
the New Testament.
New Edition. London, 1862.
HA. . . . . . . . James
Hadley, A Greek Grammar for Schools and Col-
leges. Revised by
F. D. Allen. New York, 1884.
Hr. . . . . . . .
. W. R. Harper, Elements of Hebrew Syntax. New York,
1888.
J. . . . . . . .
. J.
W. E. Jelf, A Grammar of the Greek Language. Third
Edition. 2 vols.
Oxford and London, 1861.
J.B.L. . . . . . . Journal of the Society of Biblical
Literature and Exegesis.
K. . . . . . . .
. . Raphael Kuhner, Grammatik der Griechischen Sprache.
Hanover,
1869-1872.
Ka. . . . . . . .
. E. Kautzsch, Grammatik des Biblisch-Aramaischen.
Leipzig, 1884.
xxi
xxii
LIST OF WORKS AND AUTHORS.
L.
and S. . . . Liddell and Scott, Greek-English
Lexicon, etc. Seventh
Edition. New York,
1882.
Ltft. . . . . . . . J.
B. Lightfoot, Commentaries on Galatians, on Philip-
pians, and on
Colossians and Philemon.
Mart.
Polyc. . Martyrium Polycarpi.
(See any edition of the Apostolic
Fathers. )
Meist. . . . . . K.
Heisterhans, Grammatik der Attischen Inschriften.
Berlin, 1885.
Mey.
. . . . . . H. A. W. Meyer,
Kommentar iiber das Neue Testament.
Gottingen,
1867-1876. English Translation, Edinburgh,
1873-1880.
Ps.
Sol. . . . . The Psalms of
Solomon. (Recent edition by Ryle and
James, Cambridge,
1891.)
R.
V. . . . . . . The New Testament
in the Revised Version of 1881.
S. . . . . . . .
. . W. H. Simcox, The Language of the New Testament.
London and New
York, 1889.
Th.
. . . . . . . . J. H. Thayer, A Greek-English Lexicon of
the New
Testament: Being
Grimm's Wilke's Clavis Novi Testa-
menti, translated,
revised, and enlarged. New York,
1886.
Tisch.
. . . . . Constantinus Tischendorf, Novum Testamentum Graece.
Eighth Edition. 2
vols. Leipzig, 1869-72.
Treg.
. . . . . . S. P. Tregelles, The Greek New Testament. London,
1857-79.
T
.A.P .A.. . Transactions of the American
Philological Association.
W.
. . . . . . . . G. B. Winer. See WE and WT.
WH.
. . . . . . . Westcott and Hort, The New Testament in the Original
Greek, the text
revised by B. F. Westcott and F. J. A.
Hort. 2 vols.
Cambridge and New York, 1881.
WT
. . . . . . . G. B. Winer, A Treatise on the Grammar of New Testa-
ment Greek.
Translated by W. F. Moulton. Third
Edition.
Edinburgh, 1882.
WT.
. . . . . . . G. B. Winer, A Grammar of the Idiom of the New Tes-
tament. Seventh
Edition, enlarged and improved by
Gottlieb
Liinemann. Revised and authorized Trans-
lation by J. H.
Thayer. Andover, 1869.
WS.
. . . . . . . G. B. Winer's Grammatik des
neutestamentlichen Sprach-
idioms, Achte
Auflage, neu bearbeitet von D. Paul Wilh.
Schmiedel,
Gottingen, 1894- (in process of publication).
For
classical and Scripture writers the ordinary abbreviations are used.
References
to the Old Testament are to the Septuagint Version, unless
otherwise
indicated.
SYNTAX
OF THE
MOODS AND TENSES IN NEW TESTAMENT
GREEK.
INTRODUCTORY
1. FORM AND FUNCTION. The following
pages deal with
the
various functions of the various verb-forms of the Greek
of
the New Testament, so far as respects their mood and
tense.
It is important that the nature of the relation between
form
and function be clearly held in mind. It is by no means
the
case that each form has but one function, and that each
function
can be discharged by but one form. Forms of various
origin
may be associated together under one name and perform
the
same function, or group of functions. Compare, e.g., the
Aorist
Active Infinitives, lu?sai and ei]pei?n: these forms are of
quite
diverse origin; in function they have become entirely
assimilated.
The same is true of the Aorist Active Indicatives,
e@deica and e@sthn.
Forms also which still have different names,
and
usually perform different functions, may have certain
functions
in common. Compare the Aorist Subjunctive and
the
Future Indicative in clauses of purpose (197, 198). On
the
other hand, and to an even greater extent, we find that a
given
form, or a given group of forms bearing a common name,
performs
various distinct functions. Observe, e.g., the various
functions
of the Aorist Indicative (38-48).
1
2
INTRODUCTORY.
The name of a given form, or group of
forms, is usually
derived
from some prominent function of the form or group.
Thus
the term Aorist reflects the fact that the forms thus
designated
most frequently represent an action indefinitely
without
reference to its progress. The name Present suggests
that
the forms thus designated denote present time, which is
true,
however, of the smaller part only of those that bear the
name,
and of none of them invariably. The name Optative
again
reminds us that one function of the forms so named is
to
express a wish. While, therefore, the names of the forms
were
originally intended to designate their respective func-
tions,
they cannot now be regarded as descriptive of the actual
functions,
but must be taken as conventional, and to a con-
siderable
extent arbitrary, names of the forms. The functions
must
be learned, not from the names, but from observation of
the
actual usage.
2.
THE INTERPRETER'S RELATION TO GRAMMAR. Both the
grammarian
as such and the interpreter deal with grammar, but
from
very different points of view. The distinction between
these
points of view should be clearly recognized by the in-
terpreter.
It may be conveniently represented by the terms
historical
grammar and exegetical grammar. Historical gram-
mar
deals with the development of both form and function
through
the various periods of the history of the language,
and
does this in purely objective fashion. Exegetical grammar,
on
the other hand, takes the forms as it finds them, and defines
the
functions which at a given period each form discharged,
and
does this from the point of view of the interpreter, for
the
purpose of enabling him to reproduce the thought con-
veyed
by the form. To investigate the process by which the
several
forms were built up, to determine the earliest function
of
each such form, to show how out of this earliest function
INTRODUCTORY. 3
others
were developed, and how forms of different origin, and
presumably
at first of different function, became associated,
discharging
the same function and eventually coming to bear
the
same name -all this belongs to historical grammar. To
reproduce
in the mind of the interpreter, and to express as
nearly
as may be in his own tongue, the exact thought
which
a given form was in the period in question capable of
expressing
-this is the task of exegetical grammar. Histori-
cal
grammar views its problem wholly from the point of view
of
the language under investigation, without reference to the
language
of the grammarian. Exegetical grammar is neces-
sarily
concerned both with the language under investigation
and
with that in which the interpreter thinks and speaks,
since
its problem is to aid in reproducing in the latter tongue
thought
expressed in the former.
The results of historical grammar are
of the greatest interest
and
value to exegetical grammar. Our interpretation of the
phenomena
of language in its later periods can hardly fail to
be
affected by a knowledge of the earlier history. Strictly
speaking,
however, it is with the results only of the processes
of
historical grammar that the interpreter is concerned. If
the
paradigm has been rightly constructed, so that forms of
diverse
origin perhaps, but completely assimilated in function,
bear
a common name, exegetical grammar is concerned only to
know
what are the functions which each group of forms bear-
ing
a common name is capable of discharging. Thus, the
diversity
of origin of the two Aorists, e@lusa and e@lipon, does
not
immediately concern the interpreter, if it is an assured
result
of historical grammar that these two forms are com-
pletely
assimilated in function. N or does it concern him that
the
ai
at the end of the Infinitives, deocao and i]e<nai, is the mark
of
the Dative case, and that the earliest use of such infinitives
was
as a verbal noun in the Dative case, except as this fact
4
INTRODUCTORY.
of
historical grammar aids him in the interpretation of the
phenomena
of that period of the language with which he is
dealing.
The one question of exegetical grammar to which
all
other questions are subsidiary is, What function did this
form,
or group of forms, discharge at the period with which
we
are dealing? What, e.g., in the New Testament, are the
functions
of the Present Indicative? What are the uses of
the
Aorist Subjunctive?
For practical convenience forms are
grouped together, and
the
significance of each of the distinctions made by inflection
discussed
by itself. The present work confines itself to the
discussion
of mood and tense, and discusses these as far as
possible
separately. Its question therefore is, What in the
New
Testament are the functions of each tense and of each
mood?
These various functions must be defined first of all
from
the point of view of the Greek language itself. Since,
however,
the interpreter whom in the present instance it is
sought
to serve thinks in English, and seeks to express in
English
the thought of the Greek, reference must be had
also
to the functions of the English forms as related to
those
of the Greek forms. Since, moreover, distinctions of
function
in the two languages do not always correspond,
that
is, since what in Greek is one function of a given form
may
be in English subdivided into several functions per-
formed
by several forms, it becomes necessary not only to
enumerate
and define the functions of a given form purely
from
the point of view of Greek, but to subdivide the one
Greek
function into those several functions which in English
are
recognized and marked by the employment of different
forms.
An enumeration of the uses of a given Greek tense
made
for the use of an English interpreter may therefore
properly
include certain titles which would not occur in a
list
made for one to whom Greek was the language of
INTRODUCTORY. 5
ordinary
speech and thought. The Aorist for the English
Perfect,
and the Aorist for the English Pluperfect (46, 48)
furnish
a pertinent illustration. The interests of the English
interpreter
require that they be clearly recognized. Fidelity
to
Greek usage requires that they be recognized as, strictly
speaking,
true Historical Aorists.
3. The Greek verb has four moods,--the
Indicative, the
Subjunctive,
the Optative, and the Imperative. With these
are
associated in the study of Syntax the Infinitive, which is,
strictly
speaking, a verbal noun, and the Participle, which is
a
verbal adjective.
The Subjunctive, Optative, Imperative,
and Infinitive are
often
called dependent .moods.
REM. The term dependent is not
strictly applicable to these moods,
and least of all to the Imperative, which
almost always stands as a prin-
cipal verb. It has, however, become an
established term, and is retained
as a matter of convenience.
4.
There are seven tenses in the Greek, -the Present,
Imperfect,
Aorist, Future, Perfect, Pluperfect, and Future
Perfect.
Those
tenses which denote present or future time are called
Primary
tenses. Those tenses which denote past time are
called
Secondary tenses. Since the time denoted by a tense
varies
with the particular use of the tense, no fixed line of
division
can be drawn between the two classes of tenses. In
the
Indicative the Present and Perfect are usually, and the
Future
and Future Perfect are always, Primary tenses; the
Imperfect,
Aorist, and Pluperfect are usually Secondary
tenses.
THE TENSES.
5.
The action denoted by a verb may be defined by the tense
of
the verb
(a)
As respects its progress. Thus it may be represented
as
in progress, or as completed, or indefinitely, i.e. as a simple
event
without reference to progress or completion.
(b)
As respects its time, as past, present, or future.
The
tenses of the Indicative mood in general define the
action
of the verb in both these respects.
The tenses of the other moods in
general define the action
of
the verb only as respects its progress. HA. 821; G. 1249.
REM. The chief function of a Greek
tense is thus not to denote time,
but
progress. This latter function belongs to the tense-forms of all the
moods,
the former to those of the Indicative only.
TENSES OF THE INDICATIVE
MOOD.
6. The significance of the tenses of
the Indicative mood
may
be stated in general as follows: --
As respects progress: The Present and
Imperfect denote
action
in progress; the Perfect, Pluperfect, and Future Perfect
denote
completed action; the Aorist represents the action
indefinitely
as an event or single fact; the Future is used
either
of action in progress like the Present, or indefinitely
like
the Aorist.
As respects time: The Present and
Perfect denote present
time;
the Imperfect, Aorist, and Pluperfect denote past time;
the
Future and Future Perfect denote future time.
6
THE PRESENT
INDICATIVE 7
7. The tenses of the Indicative in
general denote time rela-
tive
to that of speaking. Most exceptions to this rule are
apparent
or rhetorical rather than real and grammatical. In
indirect
discourse the point of view, as respects time, of the
original
speaking or thinking is retained. Cf. 351. Of two
verbs
of past time, one may refer to an action antecedent to
the
other, but this fact of antecedence is implied in the con-
text,
not expressed in the tense. Cf. 29 and 48. By prolepsis
also
a verb of past time may refer to or include events to take
place
after the time of speaking, but before a point of future
time
spoken of in the context. Cf. 50. In conditional sen-
tences
of the second form, the tenses are properly timeless.
Cf.
248. See Br. 154 (p. 180).
THE PRESENT INDICATIVE.
8. The Progressive Present. The
Present Indicative
is
used of action in progress in present time. EA. 824;
G.
1250, 1.
Matt.
25:8; ai[ lampa<dej h[mw?n sbe<nnuntai,
our
lamps are going out
Gal.
1:6; qauma<zw
o!ti ou!twj taxe<wj metati<qesqe a]po> tou? kale<san-
toj u[ma?j, I marvel that
ye are so quickly removing from him that called
you.
9. The most constant characteristic of
the Present Indica-
tive
is that it denotes action in progress. It probably had
originally
no reference to present time (see Br. 156). But
since,
in the" historical periods of the language, action in
progress
in past time is expressed by the Imperfect, and the
Future
is used both as a progressive and as an aoristic tense
for
future time, it results that the Present Indicative is chiefly
used
to express action in progress in present time. Hence
in
deciding upon the significance of any given instance of the
Present
Indicative in the New Testament as well as in classi-
8
THE
TENSES.
cal
Greek, the interpreter may consider that there is, at least
in
the majority of words, a certain presumption in favor of
the
Progressive Present rather than any of the other uses
mentioned
below.
10. The Progressive Present in Greek
is not always best
translated
by what is commonly called in English the "Pro-
gressive
Form." Some English verbs themselves suggest
action
in progress, and do not, except when there is strong
emphasis
on the progressive idea, use the progressive form.
Thus
the verb (qauma<zw), in Gal. 1:6,
is a Progressive Present,
but
is best translated I marvel, the verb itself sufficiently sug-
gesting
the idea of action in progress.
11. THE CONATIVE PRESENT. The Present
Indicative is
occasionally
used of action attempted, but not accomplished.
H.A.
825; G. 1255. This use is, however, not to be re-
garded
as a distinct function of the tense. The Conative
Present
is merely a species of the Progressive Present. A
verb
which of itself suggests effort, when used in a tense
which
implies action in progress, and hence incomplete, natu-
rally
suggests the idea of attempt. All the verb-forms of the
Present
system are equally, with the Present, capable of
expressing
attempted action, since they all denote action in
progress.
John 10:32, liqa<zete, and Gal. 5:4, dikaiou?sqe, illus-
trate
this usage in the Present. Similar is the use of the
Present
in Rom. 2:4, a@gei, leadeth, i.e. such is its tendency.
For examples of the Imperfect see 23.
Respecting the
resultative
force of such verbs in the Aorist see 42.
12. The General or Gnomic Present. The Present
Indicative
is used to express customary actions and general
truths.
EA. 824, a; G. 1253, 1291.
Matt.
7:17; pa?n de<ndron a]gaqo>n
karpou>j kalou>j poiei?, every good tree
bringeth
forth good fruit.
THE PRESENT
INDICATIVE. 9
2
Cor. 9:7; i[laro>n ga>r do<thn a]gap%?
o[ qeo<j, for God loveth a cheerful
giver.
13. The Aoristic Present. The Present Indicative is
sometimes
used of an action or event coincident in time
with
the act of speaking, and conceived of as a simple
event.
Most frequently the action denoted by the verb
is
identical with the act of speaking itself, or takes place
in
that act.
Acts
16:18; paragge<llw soi e]n
o]no<mati ]Ihsou? Xristou?, I command
thee in the name of Jesus Christ. See
also Mark 2:5, a]fi<entai; Acts
9:34, i]a?tai; 26:1, e]pitre<petai; Gal. 1:11, gnwri<zw, and the numer-
ous instances of le<gw in the gospels.
REM. This usage is a distinct
departure from the prevailing use of
the
Present tense to denote action in progress (cf. 9). There being in the
Indicative
no tense which represents an event as a simple fact without at
the
same time assigning it either to the past or the future, the Present is
used
for those instances (rare as compared with the cases of the Pro-
gressive
Present), in which an action of present time is conceived of
without
reference to its progress.
14. The Historical Present. The Present Indicative
is
used to describe vividly a past event in the presence of
which
the speaker conceives himself to be.. EA. 828;
G.
1252.
Mark
11:27; kai> e@rxontai pa<lin ei]j ]Ieroso<luma, and they come again
to Jerusalem. See also Luke 8:49, e@rxetai; John 18:28, a@gousin.
This use is very frequent in the
gospels.
15. The Present for the Future. In a similar way
the
Present Indicative may be used to describe vividly a
future
event.
Mark
9:31; p[ ui[o>j tou? a]nqrw<pou
paradi<dotai ei]j xei?raj a]nqrw<pwn, the
Son of man is delivered into the hands
of men. See also Matt. 26:18,
poiw?; 27:63, e]gei<romai; Luke 3:9, e]kko<ptetai.
10
THE
TENSES.
REM. The term "Present for
Future" is sometimes objected to, but
without
good reason. The arguments of Buttmann, pp. 203 f., and Winer,
WT.
pp. 265 ff.; WH. pp. 331 ff., are valid only against the theory of an
arbitrary
interchange of tenses. It is indeed not to be Supposed that
Greek
writers confused the Present and the Future tenses, or used them
indiscriminately.
But that the form which customarily denoted an act
in
progress at the time of speaking was sometimes, for the sake of vivid-
ness,
used with reference to a fact still in the future, is recognized by all
grammarians.
See; e.g., J. 397; K. 382, 5; G.MT.32. The whole force
of
the idiom is derived from the unusualness of the tense employed.
16.
The Present form h!kw means I have come ( John 2: 4 ;
I have arrived (Acts 17: 6;
etc.). This, however, is not a
Present
for the Perfect of the same verb, but a Present
equivalent
to the Perfect of another verb. The use of a]kou<w
meaning
I am informed (cf. similar use of
English hear, see,
learn)
is more nearly a proper Present for Perfect (1 Cor.
a
very few verbs. HA. 827; G. 1256.
17.
The Present of past Action still in
Progress.
The
Present Indicative, accompanied by an adverbial
expression
denoting duration and referring to past time,
is
sometimes used in Greek, as in German, to describe
an
action which, beginning in past time, is still in prog-
ress
at the time of speaking. English idiom requires
the
use of the Perfect in such cases. RA. 826; G. 1258.
Acts
sontaj
au]to>n e@xei,
for Moses from generations of old has had
in every
city
them that preached him. See also Luke 13:7, e@rxomai 15:29,
douleu<w; John 5:6, e@xei;
2 Tim.
almost always incorrectly rendered in R.
V.
REM. Cf. Br. 156, "Das Prasens in Verbindung mit pa<roj, pa<lai,
po<te< wurde seit
Homer gebraucht, um eine Handlung auszudriicken, die
sich
durch die Vergangenheit bis zur Zeit des Sprechens hinzieht." In
the
New Testament examples definite expressions of past time occur in
place
of the adverbs pa<roj, etc.
THE PRESENT INDICATIVE. 11
18.
The Aorist Indicative, limited by an expression mean-
ing
up to this time, may also be used of acts. beginning in past
time
and continuing to the time of speaking. Matt. 27:8;
28:15.
Cf. 46, and 52.
19.
Verbs in indirect discourse retain the point of View, as
respects
time, of the original statement; a Progressive Present
in
indirect discourse accordingly denotes action going on at
the
time, not of the quotation of the words, but of the original
utterance
of them. English usage in indirect discourse is
different,
and from this difference it results that a Greek
Present
Indicative standing in indirect discourse after a verb
of
past time must often be rendered by a verb of past time.
These
cases, however, involve no special use of the Greek
tense,
and should not be confused with those of the Historical
Present.
Cf. 351-356.
20.
PERIPHRASTIC FORM OF THE PRESENT. One of the
clearly
marked peculiarities of the Greek of the New Testa-
ment
is the frequency with which periphrastic forms composed
of
a Present or Perfect Participle (Luke
tional
in its use of the Aorist Participle; cf. Ev. Pet. 23),
and
the Present, Imperfect, or Future Indicative, or the
Present
Subjunctive, Imperative, Infinitive, and even parti-
ciple,
of the verb ei]mi< (rarely also u[pa<rxw), are used instead
of
the usual simple forms. Cf. 431, and see the full dis-
cussion
with examples in B. pp. 308-313, and the list (not
quite
complete) in S. pp. 131ff.
Instances of the periphrastic Present
Indicative are, how-
ever,
few. The clear instances belong under the head of the
General
Present.
Matt.
27:33; ei]j to<pon lego<menon
Golgoqa<, o! e]stin Krani<ou To<poj
lego<menoj, unto a place
called
Skull. See also Matt. l:23; Mark 5:41;
2Cor.2:17;
12
THE
TENSES.
THE IMPERFECT
INDICATIVE.
21.
The Progressive Imperfect. The
Imperfect is
used
of action in progress in past time. HA.
829;
G.
1250, 2.
Mark
rich were casting in much.
Luke
1:66; kai> ge>r xei>r kuri<ou h#n
met ] au]tou?,
for the hand of the Lord
was with him.
John
22. The statement respecting the
translation of the Pro.
gressive
Present (cf. 10), applies to the Imperfect also.
Notice
the third example above, and see also Luke 2 : 51,
his mother kept [dieth<rei] all these
things in her heart; in Luke
24:32,
A. V., did not our heart burn within us, is better than
R.
V., was not our heart burning within us.
Though the verb
is
a periphrastic Imperfect, kaiome<nh h#n, the English
form
did
burn sufficiently suggests action in progress to render it
adequately.
23.
THE CONATIVE IMPERFECT. The Progressive Imperfect
is
sometimes used of action attempted, but not accomplished.
Cf.11.
HA.832; G.1255.
Matt.
See
also Luke
lassen; 26:11, h]na<gkazon.
24.
The Imperfect of Repeated Action.
The Imper-
fect
is used of customary or repeated action in past time.
HA. 830; G. 1253, 2
Acts
3:2; o!n
e]ti<qoun kaq ] h[me<ran pro>j
th>n qu<ran tou? i[erou? , whom they
used
to lay daily at the gate of the temple.
THE IMPERFECT
INDICATIVE 13
25. For the use of the Imperfect,
Aorist, or Pluperfect in
a
condition contrary to fact, or its apodosis, see 248, 249.
26. The Imperfect and Aorist with a@n
are used in classical
Greek
to denote a customary past action taking place under
certain
circumstances. In the New Testament this usage
never
occurs in principal clauses. The use of the Imperfect
and
Aorist with a@n in conditional relative clauses is
possibly
a
remnant of the usage. Cf. 315.
27. The Imperfect and Aorist are used in
a clause express-
ing
an unattained wish having reference to the present or past.
The
Imperfect denotes action in progress. The Aorist repre-
sents
the action indefinitely as a simple event. Either tense
may
refer to either present or past time. All the New Testa-
ment
instances seem to refer to present time.
Rev.
3:15; o@felon yuxro>j h#j h} zesto<j, I would that thou wert cold
or
hot.
See also 1 Cor. 4:8 (Aor.); 2 Cor. 11:1 (Imperf.).
REM. 1. In classical Greek unattainable
wishes are expressed by ei@qe
or
ei] ga<r with the Indicative (HA. 871; G. 1511) or w@felon with the
Infinitive.
In Callimachus, 260 B.C., w@felon is found with
the Indicative
(L.
& S., o]fei<lw II. 3. fin.). In the New Testament ei] ga<r (in this
sense)
and ei@qe do not occur, but o@felon, shortened form of w@felon, is
used
(as an uninflected particle) with the Imperfect and Aorist Indica-
tive.
WM. p. 377; WT. p. 301, N. 2.
REM. 2. In Gal.
is
probably not conceived of as unattainable.
28.
When an Imperfect refers to an action not separated
from
the time of speaking by a recognized interval, it is
best
translated into English by the Perfect, using preferably
the
progressive form, unless the verb itself suggests action
ill
progress.
14
THE
TENSES.
John
2: 7; h{n ei@xete a]p ] a]rxh?j, which ye have
had from the beginning.
See
also Luke
in
Theological Monthly, IV. 42, who also quotes examples from clas-
sical
authors). Cf. 52.
29. When an action
denoted by an Imperfect evidently pre-
ceded
an event already mentioned, such Imperfect is sometimes
best
translated into English by the Pluperfect. From the
point
of view of Greek, however, this, like the preceding
usage,
is an ordinary Progressive Imperfect or Imperfect of
Repeated
Action. Cf. 52.
Matt.
for John had been saying to him, It is
not lawful for you to have her.
See also Luke 8:27; Acts 9:39.
30. The Imperfect
of verbs denoting obligation or possi-
bility,
when used to affirm that a certain thing should or
could
have been done, i.e. was required or possible under the
circumstances
related, is a true affirmative Imperfect. It is
incorrect
in this case to speak of an omitted a@n, since though
it
is frequently the case that the necessary or possible deed
did
not take place, the past necessity or possibility was actual,
not
hypothetical or "contrary to fact." Here belong Matt.
2:3,
etc.
The Imperfect is also used of a past
necessity or obligation
when
the necessary deed did take place. Here also, of course,
the
Imperfect has its usual force. Luke 13: 16; 24: 26 ;
John
4:4; Acts 1:16; 17:3.
31. Buttmann, pp.
216 f., 225 f., describes correctly the class of cases
in
which the past obligation or possibility was actual, but in which the
required
or possible deed did not take place, but wrongly includes in
his
list several passages in which not only the fact but the obligation
or
ability is hypothetical. Such are John 9:33; 1 Cor. 5:10"; Heb. 9:26,
which
are to be explained in accordance with 249. The distinction
THE IMPERFECT INDICATIVE. 15
between
these two classes of cases is not always easily marked in English
translation,
since the English forms could, should,
etc., are used both
for
actual and for hypothetical obligation or ability. Of. He could have
gone, if he had
been well,
and He could have gone, but did not wish
to go.
32. Through a
dimming of the distinction between the
ideas
of present and past obligation (which has occurred also
in
English in the case of the word ought),
the Imperfect with-
out
£tv is sometimes used to express a present obligation. The
Infinitive
after such an Imperfect is always in the Present
tense.
In accordance with this usage we are probably to ex-
plain
Acts 22: 22; Eph. 5: 4; Col. 3 :18; cf. Ltft.
on
loc. cit. and G.MT. 416.
On these several uses of the Imperfect
of verbs of obliga-
tion,
etc., see G.MT. 413-423.
33. The Imperfect
of verbs of wishing, without a@n, is best
explained
as a true Progressive Imperfect, describing a desire
which
the speaker for a time felt, without affirming that he
actually
cherishes it at the time of his present utterance.
This
is especially clear in Philem. 13, 14, where the apostle
states
in one clause what his desire--his personal prefer-
ence--was
(e]boulo<mhn), and in the next his actual decision
(h]qe<lhsa), as over against his preference. The reason for
describing
the desire as past is not always, however, that
it
has been put aside. Failure to realize the desire, or the
perception
that it cannot be realized, or reluctance to express
a
positive and deliberate choice may lead the speaker ,to use
the
Imperfect rather than the Present. Similarly we some-
times
say in colloquial English, I was wishing
that such a
thing might
happen,
or even more commonly, I have sometimes
wished. Nearly the
same meaning may be conveyed in Eng-
lish
by the more usual potential form, I
should like, I would
16
THE
TENSES.
that, or I could wish. In Acts 25 : 22 the use of
the Imperfect
e]boulo<mhn rather than a
Present softens the request for polite-
ness'
sake, and may well be rendered I should
like. In Gal.
that
leads to t,he use of the Imperfect, and h@qelon
parei?nai
may
be rendered, I would that I were present.
In Rom. 9:3
hu]xo<mhn may have been
chosen because the apostle shrank
from
expressing a deliberate choice in regard to so solemn.
a
matter, or because he thought of it as beyond the control
or
influence of his wish. I could pray
expresses the meaning
with
approximate accuracy. In all these cases, however, what
is
strictly stated in the Greek is merely the past existence of a
state
of desire; the context alone implies what the present
state
of mind is. Of. G.MT. 425.
34.
PERIPHRASTIC FORM OF THE IMPERFECT. Periphras-
tic
Imperfects, formed by adding a Present Participle to the
Imperfect
of the verb ei]mi<, are frequent in the New
Testament,
especially
in the historical books. The large majority of
these
forms denote continued action.
Mark
10:32; kai> h#n proa<gwn au]tou>j
o[ ]Ihsou?j, and Jesus was going
before
them.
So also Luke
Mark
Luke
THE
AORIST INDICATIVE.
35. The constant
characteristic of the Aorist tense in all
of
its moods, including the participle, is that it represents the
action
denoted by it indefinitely; i.e.
simply as an event,
neither
on the one hand picturing it in progress, nor on the
other
affirming the existence of its result. The name indefi-
nite as thus
understood is therefore applicable to the tense in
all
of its uses.
THE AORIST INDICATIVE 17
As respects the point of view from which
the action is
looked
at, however, we may distinguish three functions of the
tense
common to all of its moods.
First, it may be used to describe an
action or event in its
entirety.
This use of the tense, since it is by far the most
frequent,
may be called by pre-eminence the Indefinite Aorist.
In
the Indicative it may be called the Historical Aorist. The
Aorist
of any verb may be used in this sense; thus d7rE:tV,
to
say; diakonh?sai, to serve.
Secondly, it may be used to denote the
inception of a
state.
The Aorist thus used may be called the Inceptive
Aorist.
It belongs to verbs which in the Present and Imper-
fect
denote the continuance of a state; thus sig%?n, to be silent;
sigh?sai, to become silent.
Thirdly, it may be used to denote the
success of an effort.
The
Aorist thus used may be called the Resultative Aorist.
It
belongs to verbs which in the Present and Imperfect denote
effort
or attempt; thus kwlu<ein, to hinder,
obstruct; kwlu?sai, to
prevent.
The genetic relation of these three
functions of the Aorist
tense
has not been satisfactorily defined. In the Greek, both of
the
classical and the New Testament periods, however, they ap-
pear
side by side as co-ordinate uses. Br.159;
Del. IV.,pp.l00f.
REM. Respecting the force of the
Indefinite Aorist, compare Brug-
mann's
statement concerning the Aorist forms: "Am haufigsten wurden
diese
Formen so gebraucht, dass man sich die Handlung in einen unge-
teilten
Denkakt ganz und vollstandig, in sich abgeschlossen, absolut vor-
stellen
sollte. Das Factum wurde einfach constatiert ohne Rucksicht
auf
Zeitdauer."
36. In addition to these uses which
belong to the Aorist in
all
its moods, the Aorist Indicative has three uses, instances
of
which are comparatively infrequent. These are the Gnomic
Aorist,
the Epistolary Aorist, and the Dramatic Aorist.
18
THE
TENSES.
The Aorist for the Perfect and the
Aorist for the Pluper4
fect
are, as explained below (52), not distinct functions of the
Aorist,
but merely special cases of the Historical, Inceptive,
or
Resultative Aorist.
37. The distinction
between the Indefinite, the Inceptive,
and
the Resultative functions of the Aorist is often ignored,
or
its legitimacy denied. It is true that there are cases in
which
it is not possible to decide certainly whether a given
verb
refers to the inception of an action only, or to its entire
extent,
and others in which there is a similar difficulty in
deciding
whether the reference is to the action as a whole or
to
its result only. It is true also that the genetic relation of
these
three uses of the tense is not a matter of entire cer-
tainty,
and that it is possible that, historically speaking, they
are
but varying types of one usage. Especially must it be
regarded
as doubtful whether the Resultative Aorist is any-
thing
else than the Indefinite Aorist of verbs denoting effort.
The
matter of importance to the interpreter, however, is
that,
whatever the genesis of the fact, of the Aorists of the
New
Testament some denote a past act in its undivided
entirety,
others denote merely or chiefly the inception of an
action,
and others still affirm as a past fact the accomplish-
ment
of an act attempted. These distinctions,
which from the
exegetical
point of view it is often Important to mark, are
conveniently
indicated by the terms indefinite,
inceptive, and
resultative. With reference
to the validity of this distinction,
see
Br. 159.
The Inceptive Aorist is illustrated in
Acts
they
had become silent [meta> to> sigh?sai] James
answered. It
is
evident that the Infinitive must refer to the becoming
silent,
not to the whole period of silence, since in the latter
case
James must have been silent while the others were silent,
THE AORIST INDICATIVE. 19
and
have begun to speak when their silence had ended. In
2
Cor. 8: 9, we must read not being rich he
was poor, but being
rich he became
poor;
e]ptw<xeusen is manifestly inceptive. So
also
in Luke
went a day's
journey,
it was not the holding of the opinion that
he
was in the company that preceded the day's journey, but
the
forming of it, and the participle nomi<santej is inceptive.
Contrast
Acts
Illustrations of the resultative sense
are less numerous and
less
clear. In Acts 7:36, however, this man
led them forth,
having wrought
wonders and signs in
and in the
wilderness forty years, the verb e]ch<gagen seems to
refer
only to the result, since the signs wrought in the Red
Sea
and the wilderness would otherwise have been represented
as
accompanying the bringing out, and instead of poih<saj we
should
have had poiw?n. See also 42.1
38. The
Historical Aorist. The Aorist Indicative is
most
frequently used to express a past event viewed in its
entirety,
simply as an event or a single fact. It has no
reference
to the progress of the event, or to any existing
result
of it. HA. 836; G. 1250, 5.
John
unto
his own and they that were his own received him not.
39. Since any past
event without reference to its duration
or
complexity may be conceived of as a single fact, the His-
torical
Aorist may be used to describe
(a) A momentary action.
Acts
5:5; e]ce<yucen, he gave up the ghost.
Matt.
8: 3; kai> e]ktei<naj th>n xei?ra
h!yato au]tou?,
and having stretched
forth
his hand he touched him.
1 Cf. Mart.
Polyc. 8 : 2, 3, where both e@peiqon, were persuading, and
a]potuxo<ntej tou? pei?sai, failing to persuade, refer to the same
event.
20
THE
TENSES.
(b) An extended act or state, however
prolonged in time, if
viewed
as constituting a single fact without reference to its
progress.
Acts
28:30; e]ne<meinen de> dieti<an o!lhn
e]n i]di<& misqw<mati, and he abode
two
whole years in his own hired dwelling.
Eph.
2:4; dia> th>n pollh>n a]ga<phn
au]tou? h{n h]ga<phsen h[ma?j, because
of
his great love wherewith he loved us.
(c) A series or aggregate of acts viewed
as constituting a
single
fact.
Matt.
2
Cor.
40. These three uses of the Historical
Aorist may for con-
venience
be designated as the Momentary Aorist, the Compre-
hensive
Aorist, and the Collective Aorist. But it should be
clearly
observed that these terms do not mark distinctions in
the
functions of the tense. An Historical Aorist, whatever the
nature
of the fact affirmed, affirms it simply as a past fact.
The
writer mayor may not have in mind that the act was
single
and momentary, or extended, or a series of acts, but the
tense
does not express or suggest the distinction. The pur-
pose
of the subdivision into momentary, comprehensive, and
collective
is not to define the force of the tense-form, but to
discriminate
more precisely the nature of the facts to which
it
is applied as shown by the context or the circumstances.
Cf.
G.MT. 56.
REM. The term Historical Aorist is applied to the use of the Aorist
here
described only by pre-eminence. In strictness the Inceptive and
Resultative
Aorists are also Historical. Compare what is said concerning
the
term Indefinite under 35.
41. The
Inceptive Aorist. The Aorist of a verb whose
Present
denotes a state or condition, commonly denotes
the
beginning of that state. HA. 841; G. 1260.
THE AORIST INDICATIVE. 21
2
Cor. 8:9; di ]
u[ma?j e]ptw<xeusen plou<sioj w@n, though he was rich, for
your
sakes he became poor.
See also Luke 15:32; John 4:52 ;
Acts 7:60;
REM. The Aorist of such verbs is not,
however, necessarily inceptive.
The
same form may be in one sentence inceptive and in another historical
Cf.
Luke
historical,
in the latter probably inceptive.
42. The
Resultative Aorist. The Aorist of a verb
whose
Present implies effort or intention, commonly de-
notes
the success of the effort. Cf. 11, 23.
Acts
27:43; o[ de> e[katonta<rxhj . . . e]kw<lusen
au]tou>j tou? boulh<matoj,
but
the centurion. . . prevented them from their purpose. See also
Matt. 27:20; Acts 7:36.
43.
The Gnomic Aorist.
The Aorist is used in prov-
erbs
and comparisons where the English commonly uses a
General
Present. HA. 840; G. 1292; G. MT. 154-161;
B. pp. 201 ff.; WM. pp. 346 f.; WT. p. 277; Br. 160.
1
Pet.
eth
and the flower falleth. See also Luke 7:35; John 15:6; Jas.
1:11,
24.
REM. Winer's contention (WT. p. 277; WM. p. 346) that the
Gnomic
Aorist does not occur in the New Testament does not seem
defensible.
The passages cited above are entirely similar to the classical
examples
of this ancient and well-established idiom.
44. The
Epistolary Aorist. The writer of a letter
sometimes
puts himself in the place of his reader and de-
scribes
as past that which is to himself present, but which
will
be past to his reader. HA. 838.
Eph.
6:22; o{n e]pemya pro>j u[ma?j ei]j
au]to> tou?to,
whom I send to you for
this
very purpose.
See also Acts 23:30; 1 Cor. 5:11; Phil. 2:28;
Col.
4:8; Philem. 11.
22
THE
TENSES.
45.
The Dramatic Aorist.
The Aorist Indicative is
sometimes
used of a state of mind just reached, or of an
act
expressive of it. "fhe effect is to give to the statement
greater
vividness than is given by the more usual Present.
HA. 842; G.MT. 60; K 386, 9;
Luke
16:4; e@gnwn ti< poih<sw, I know [lit. I
knew, or I perceived] what
I
shall do.
REM. This usage is in classical Greek
mainly poetical and is found
chiefly
in dialogue. It is sometimes called "Aoristus tragicus." Brug-
mann
thus describes it: "Nicht selten wurde der Aorist yon dem
gebraucht,
was soeben eingetreten ist, besonders von einer Stimmung,
die
soeben uber einen gekommen ist, oder yon einem Urteil, das man
sich
soeben gebildet hat." See numerous examples in K. 386, 9.
46.
THE
AORIST FOR THE (English) PERFECT. The Aorist
is
frequently used in Greek where the English idiom requires
a
Perfect. G.MT. 58; H.A. 837; B. pp. 197, 198.
Lk19:9;
sh<meron swthri<a t&, oi@k& tou<t&
e]ge<neto,
to-day is salvation
come
to this house.
Matt.
5:21; h]kou<sate
o!ti e]rre<qh toi?j a]rxai<oij, ye
have heard that it was
said
to them of old time.
Ph.
in
whatsoever state I am therein to be content. See also under 52.
47. The Aorist
Indicative of a few verbs is used in the New
Testament
to denote a present state, the result of a past act,
hence
with the proper force of a Greek Perfect. Of. 75, 86.
So
the Aorists a]pe<qanon (cf. Mark
see
John
possibly
e@gnwn
(John
Aorists
may also be used as simple historical Aorists.
48. THE AORIST FOR THE (English)
PLUPERFECT. The
Aorist
Indicative is frequently used in narrative passages of
a
past event which precedes another past event mentioned
THE AORIST INDICATIVE. 23
or
implied in the context. In English it is common in such
a
case to indicate the real. order of the events by the use
of
a Pluperfect for the earlier event. Of. 52, 53. H...4.. 837;
G.MT. 58; B. pp.
199 f.
John
therefore
Jesus had received the vinegar, he said, It is finished.
Matt.
14:3; o[ ga>r [Hr&<dhj krath<saj to>n ]Iwa<nhn e@dhsen, for Herod
having laid hold on John had bound him.
See also Matt. 27:31;
Mark
8:14; Luke 8:27; John
REM. It has been much disputed whether a]pe<steilen in John
is
to be assigned to this head. The valid objection to this is not in any
inappropriateness
of the Aorist tense to express an event antecedent to
one
already mentioned)--the Aorist is the only form that can be used if
the
event is thought of simply as an event (cf. Mey.
ad loc., contra)--
but
in the presence of ou#n, which is, in John especially, so
constantly
continuative,
and in the absence of any intimation in the context that
the
events are related out of their chronological order.
49. From the
general principles of indirect discourse in
English
and in Greek it results that an Aorist Indicative in
indirect
discourse after a verb of past time must usually be
rendered
into English by a Pluperfect. Cf. 353. These cases
form
a class entirely distinct from those that are included
above
under the term Aorist for the English Pluperfect.
50. Both the Aorist
and the Perfect are sometimes used
proleptically,
but this is rather a rhetorical figure than a gram-
matical
idiom. WM. pp. 341, 345, 347; WT. pp. 273, 277, 278.
1
Cor. 7:28; e]a>n de> kai> gamh<s^j,
ou]x h!martej,
but even if thou shalt
marry,
thou hast not sinned.
See also John 15: 8; J as.
51. For the Aorist
in a condition contrary to fact, see 248.
For
the Aorist expressing an unattained wish, see 27.
52. ENGLISH
EQUIVALENTS OF THE GREEK AORIST INDIC-
ATIVE.
It should be observed that the Aorist for the Perfect
and
the Aorist for the Pluperfect are not variations from the
24
THE
TENSES.
normal
use of the Greek Aorist. Viewed strictly from the
point
of view of Greek Grammar, these Aorists are simply
Historical,
Inceptive, or Resultative Aorists. The necessity for
mentioning
them arises merely from the difference between
the
English and the Greek idiom.
The Greek Aorist corresponds to the
English simple Past
(or
Imperfect or Preterite, loved, heard,
etc.) more nearly than
to
any other English tense. But it is not the precise equiva-
lent
of the English Past; nor is the Greek Perfect the precise
equivalent
of the English Perfect; nor the Greek Pluperfect
of
the English Pluperfect. This will appear distinctly if we
place
side by side the definitions of the tenses which in gen-
eral
correspond in the two languages.
The English Perfect is used The Greek Perfect is used
of
any past action between to
represent an action as
which
and the time of speak- standing
complete, i.e. as hav-
ing
the speaker does not in- ing
an existing result, at the
tend
distinctly to interpose an time
of speaking.
interval.1
The English Pluperfect is The Greek Pluperfect is
used
to mark the fact that the used
to represent an action as
event
expressed by it preceded standing
complete, i.e. as hav-
another
past event indicated by ing
an existing result, at a
the
context, and this whether point
of past time indicated
the
earlier event is thought of by
the context.
as
completed at the time of
the
later event, or only indefi-
nitely
as a simple occurrence
preceding
the later event!
1 The English
Perfect and Pluperfect by their auxiliaries have
and had
distinctly
suggest completed action in the proper 8ense, viz. the posses-
sion
of a thing in the condition indicated by the participle, and substan-
THE AORIST INDICATIVE. 25
The
English Past is used of The Greek Aorist is used of
any
past action between which any
past event which is con,
and
the moment of speaking ceived
of simply as an event
an
interval is thought of as (or
as entered upon, or as ac-
f
existing. It affirms nothing complished),
regardless alike
respecting
existing result. of
the existence or non-exist.
ence of an
interval between
itself and the
moment of
speaking, and of
the question.
whether it
precedes or not
some other past
action. It
affirms nothing
respecting ex-
isting result.
It
is evident from this comparison that the English Perfect
has
a larger range of use than the Greek Perfect.
tially
this is the meaning often conveyed by these tenses. Thus, I have
learned my
lesson,
differs but little in meaning from I have
my lesson
learned. But this is by
no means the only use which may be made of
these
tenses in modern English. They have, in fact, ceased to be Perfect
tenses
in any proper sense of that word. Compare, e.g., the Pasts and
Perfects
in the following examples: The army
arrived. The army has
arrived. Many
men fought for their country. Many men have fought
for their
country. He often visited
Only
in the first example is existing result suggested by the Perfect tense.
In
each pair the distinguishing mark between the two sentences is that
»
while the Perfect tense places the event in the past time without defining
whether
or not an interval has elapsed since the event, the Past tense
places
it in the past time and suggests an interval.
Similarly, the English Pluperfect
affirms only the antecedence of its
event
to the other past event, leaving it to the context or the nature of
the
fact to show whether at the past time referred to there were existing
results
or not. Thus in the sentence, I showed
him the work which I had
done, it is implied
that the results of the doing remained at the time of
the
showing. But in the sentence, He did not
recognize the persons whom
he had
previously seen,
it is not implied that any result of the seeing
remained
at the time of the non-recognition.
26
THE
TENSES.
Thus a past event between which and the
time of speaking
no
interval is distinctly thought of may be expressed by the
English
Perfect, whether the result of the event is thought of
as
existing or not; but it can be expressed by the Greek Per-
fect
only in case such result is thought of. So also the Eng-
lish
Pluperfect has a wider range than the Greek Pluperfect.
For
while the Greek can use its Pluperfect for an event
which
preceded another past event only in case the result
of
the earlier event is thought of as existing at the time
of
the later event, the English freely uses its Pluperfect
for
all such doubly past events, without reference to the
existence
of the result of the earlier event at the time of
the
later one.
On the other hand, the Greek Aorist has
a wider range
than
the English Past, since it performs precisely those func-
tions
which the Greek Perfect and Pluperfect refuse, but
which
in modern English are performed not by the Past but
by
the Perfect and Pluperfect. The Greek Aorist, therefore,
in
its ordinary use not only covers the ground of the English
Past,
but overlaps in part upon that of the English Perfect
and
Pluperfect. Hence arise the so-called Aorist for Perfect
and
Aorist for Pluperfect.
If the attempt be made to define more
exactly the extent
of
this overlapping, it will appear that a simple past event
which
is conceived of without reference to an existing result,
and
between which and the time of speaking the speaker does
not
wish distinctly to suggest an interval,--the interval may
be
ever so long, in fact,--will be expressed in Greek by
the
Aorist, because the result is not thought of, and in Eng-
lish
by the Perfect, because the interval is not thought "of.
Cases
of this kind arise, e.g., when the
event is said to con-
tinue
up to the time of speaking, so that there is actually no
interval
[Matt. 27:8; dio> e]klh<qh o[ a]gro>j
e]kei?noj ]Agro>j ai!matoj
THE AORIST INDICATIVE. 27
e!wj th?j sh<meron, therefore that field has been called Field
of Blood
until this day. See also Matt.
28:15; John
event
is so recent as to make the thought. of an interval seem
unnatural
[Luke
strange things
to-day.
See also Mark
. . . e]ge<nesqe]; or when the
time of the event is entirely
indefinite
[Matt. 19:4; ou]k a]ne<gnwte, have ye not read? See
also
Rev. 11:12; exx. are frequent in the New Testament];
or
when the verb refers to a' series of events which extends
approximately
or quite to the time of speaking [Matt.
h]kou<sate o!ti e]rre<qh toi?j
a]rxai<oij,
ye have heard that it was said
to the ancients; the reference
is doubtless to the frequent
occasions
on which they ,had heard such teachings in the
synagogue.
See also 1 Esdr. 4 : 26, 27].
Instances of the Greek Aorist for the
English Pluperfect
arise
when a past event which is conceived of simply as an
event
without reference to existing result is mentioned out
of
its chronological order, or is expressed in a subordinate
clause.
The Greek employs the Aorist, leaving the context
to
suggest the order; the English usually suggests the order
by
the use of a Pluperfect. See exx. under 48. Of. Beet, The
Greek
Aorist as used in the New Testament, in Expositor,
XI.
191-201,
296-308, 312-385;
English
of the Greek Aorist and Perfect, in Theological
Monthly, IV.
33-41,162-180.
53. In many cases
in which the Greek Aorist is used of
an
event antecedent to another past event already referred to,
English
idiom permits a simple Past. A Pluperfect is strictly
required
only when the precedence in time is somewhat promi-
nent.
The Revisers of 1881 have used the Pluperfect spar-
ingly
in such cases. It might better have been used also in
Matt.
9:25; Mark 8:14; John 12:18 (had heard).
28
THE TESES.
54. An Aorist
which is equivalent to an English Perfect
or
Pluperfect may be either an historical, or an inceptive, or
a
Resultative Aorist. If historical, it
may be either momentary,
comprehensive,
or collective.
In Luke
Aorists
which may be properly rendered by the English Perfect; probably
also
e]basi<leusaj, in Rev. 11:17, should be rendered, thou hast become
king.
In Rom.
of
the evil deeds of men, of which the apostle has been speaking in the
preceding
paragraphs (
Aorist.
But since that series 6f evil deeds extends even to the moment
of
speaking, as is indeed directly affirmed in the pa<ntej, it is impos-
sible
to think of an interval between the fact stated and this statement
of
it. It must therefore be expressed in English by the Perfect tense, and
be
classed with Matt. 5:21 as a collective Aorist for (English) Perfect.
Of
similar force is the same form in Rom. 2:12. From the point of view
from
which the apostle is speaking, the sin of each offender is simply a
past
fact, and the sin of all a series or aggregate of facts together consti-
tuting
a past fact. But inasmuch as this series is not separated from the
time
of speaking, we must, as in
translation.
This is upon the supposition that the verb h!marton takes its
point
of view from the time of speaking, and the apostle accordingly
speaks
here only of sin then past, leaving it to be inferred that the same
principle
would apply to subsequent sin. It is possible, however, that
by
a sort of prolepsis h!marton is uttered from the point of view
of the
future
judgment [kriqh<sontai], and refers to
all sin that will then be past.
In
this case the Future Perfect, shall have sinned, may be used in trans-
lation,
or again the Perfect, common in subordinate clauses in English as
an
abbreviation of the Future Perfect. Whether the same form in
upon
whether it is, like the other cases, a collective Aorist, representing
a
series of acts between which and the time of speaking no interval is
interposed,
or refers to a deed or deeds in the remote past in which the
"all"
in some way participated. So far as the tense-form is concerned
there
is no presumption in favor of one or the other of these inter-
pretations,
both uses of the tense being equally legitimate. The nature
of
the argument or the author's thought, as learned from sources
outside
the sentence itself, must furnish the main evidence by which
to
decide.
THE AORIST INDICATIVE. 29
55. The Aorist eu]do<khsa in Matt.
reference
to a specific event as its basis. I was well pleased with thee,
e.g. for receiving
baptism. If all the instances were in connection with the
baptism,
this would be the most natural explanation. But for those that
occur
in connection with the account of the transfiguration this explana-
tion
fails, and is probably therefore not the true explanation of any of the
instances.
(b) as a comprehensive Historical Aorist covering the period
of
Christ's preincarnate existence. Cf. John 17:5, 24; see W. N. Clarke,
Com.
on Mark 1:11. If the passages were in the fourth gospel, and
especially
if they contained some such phrase as pro>
katabolh?j ko<smou,
this
explanation would have much in its favor. The absence of such
limiting
phrase, and the fact that the passages are in the synoptic gospels
are
opposed to this explanation. (c) as a comprehensive Historical Aorist,
having
the force of an English Perfect, and referring to the period of
Christ's
earthly existence up to the time of speaking. But against this
is
the absence of any adverbial phrase meaning up
to this time, which
usually
accompanies an Aorist verb used in this sense. Cf. 18 and 52.
(d)
as an Aorist which has by usage come to have the meaning which is
strictly
appropriate to the Perfect, I became well
pleased with thee, and
I am
[accordingly] well pleased with thee. Cf. 47. There are a few pas-
sages
of the Septuagint that seem at first sight to favor this explanation.
SeePs.
101:15; Jer. 2:19; Mal. 2:17. Cf. also Matt. 12:18; Luke 12:32.
The
force of this evidence is, however, greatly diminished by the fact
that
all these instances are capable of being explained without resort to so
unusual
a use of the Aorist, that both in the Septuagint and in the New
Testament
there is in use a regular Present form of this verb, and that
the
Aorist in the majority of cases clearly denotes past time. (e) as an
Inceptive
Aorist referring to some indefinite, imagined point of past time
at
which God is represented as becoming well pleased with Jesus. But
since
this point is not thought of as definitely fixed, English idiom requires
a
Perfect tense. Cf. 52 (p. 27), 54. It may be described, therefore, as an
Inceptive
Aorist equivalent to an English Perfect, and may be rendered,
I have become
well pleased.
This, however, can only be a vivid way of
saying,
I am well pleased. If then this view
is correct, the rendering
of
the English versions is a free but substantially correct paraphrase.
A
true Perfect would affirm the present state of pleasure and imply the
past
becoming pleased. The Aorist affirms the becoming pleased and
leaves
the present pleasure to be suggested. This explanation, therefore,
differs
from the preceding (d) in that it does not suppose the Aorist
of
this verb to have acquired the power of expressing an existing result,
but
judges the existing result to be only suggested by the affirmation
30
THE
TENSES.
of
the past fact. This is rhetorical figure, on the way to become gram-
matical
idiom, but not yet become such. Manifestly similar is the use
of
prosede<cato in Isa. 42:1, and of eu]do<khsen in Matt.
Matt.
passages
were probably affected in form by this current rendering of the
Isaiah
passage. Similar also are e]ka<qisan in Matt. 23:2,
and e@maqon in
Phil.
4:11. In neither case is there any clearly established usage of the
Aorist
for Greek perfect; in neither is there apparent any reference
to
a definite point of past time; in both the real fact intended to be
suggested
is the present state.
56. THE
DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE AORIST AND THE
IMPERFECT.
The difference between an Historical Aorist
and
an Imperfect of action in progress or repeated being one
not
of the nature of the fact but of the speaker's conception
of
the fact, it is evident that the same fact may be expressed
by
either tense or by both. This is illustrated in Mark 12:41
and
44, where, with strict appropriateness in both cases, Mark
writes
in v. 41, polloi> plou<sioi e@ballon
polla<,
and in v. 44
records
Jesus as stating the same fact in the words pa<ntej
. .
.
e@balon. The former describes the scene
in progress, the latter
merely
states the fact.
57. From the
nature of the distinction between the Imper-
fect
and Aorist, it also results that the difference in thought
represented
by the choice of one form rather than the other
is
sometimes almost imperceptible. Cf., e.g.,
Mark 3:7 and
tenses
almost or quite to the exclusion of the other. The
form
e@legon is used in classical Greek without emphasis on
the
thought of the saying as in progress or repeated, and in the
New
Testament the Aorist of this verb does not occur. A dis-
tinction
between the Imperfect e@legon and the Aorist ei#pon
is
scarcely
to be drawn in the New Testament. Cf. G.MT.
56,
57,
especially the following: "In all these cases tbe funda-
mental
distinction of the tenses, which was inherent in the
THE FUTURE INDICATIVE. 31
form,
remained; only it happened that either of the two dis-
tinct
forms expressed the meaning which was here needed
equally
well. It must not be thought, from these occasional
examples,
that the Greeks of any period were not fully alive
to
the distinction of the two tenses and could not use it with
skill
and nicety."
This approximation of the Aorist and
Imperfect, it should
be
noted, occurs only in the case of the Historical Aorist (38).
The
Inceptive and Resultative Aorists are clearly distinguished
in
force from the Imperfect.
THE FUTURE INDICATIVE.
58.
The Predictive Future.
The Future Indicative is
most
frequently used to affirm that an action is to take
place
in future time. Since it does not mark the distinc-
!tion
between action in progress and action conceived of
indefinitely
without reference to its progress, it may be
either
aoristic or progressive. HA. 843; G. 1250, 6;
G.MT. 63, 65;
59. THE AORISTIC FUTURE conceives of an
action simply
as
an event, and affirms that it will take place in future time.
It
may be indefinite, inceptive, or resultative. As indefinite
it
may be momentary, comprehensive, or collective. Of. 35, 39.
1
Cor.
e]n
a]tro<m&, e]n r[ip^? o]fqalmou?, we
shall not all sleep [indefinite com-
prehensive]; or; we shall not all fall asleep [inceptive], but we shall
all
be changed, in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye [indefinite
momentary].
John
ei#pon
u[mi?n e]gw<,
he will teach you all things and bring to
your remem-
brance
all things that I said unto you [indefinite collective].
Luke
shall
reign over the house of Jacob forever [indefinite comprehensive].
Luke
16:31; ou]d ]
e]a<n tij e]k nekrw?n a]nast^? peisqh<sontai, neither will
they
be persuaded if one rise from the dead [resultative].
32
THE
TENSES.
60. THE
PROGRESSIVE FUTURE affirms that an action will
be
in progress in future time. HA. 843; G. 1250, 6.
Phil.
rejoice,
yea, and will
[continue to] rejoice. See also Rom. 6:2;
Phil. 1:6; Rev. 9:6.
61. It may be
doubted whether any of the distinctions indi-
cated
by the subdivisions of the Predictive Future are justi-
fied
from the point of view of pure grammar. It is probable,
rather,
that the tense in all these cases makes precisely the
same
affirmation respecting the event, viz.
that it will take
place; and that it is
the context only that conveys the dis-
tinctions
referred to. These distinctions, however, are real
distinctions
either of fact or of thought, and such, moreover,
that
the writer must in most cases have had them in mind
when
speaking of the facts. From the exegetical point of
view,
therefore, the distinctions are both justified and neces-
sary,
since they represent differences of thought in the mind
of
the writer to be interpreted. The terms employed above
are
convenient terms to represent these distinctions of thought,
and
it is to the interpreter a matter of secondary importance
whether
the distinction in question is by his writer immedi-
ately
connected with the tense of the verb.
62. Since the
Aoristic Future is less definite respecting
progress
than the' Progressive Future, the latter predicting
the
act as continuing, the former making no assertion, it is
evident
that any instance of the Predictive Future not clearly
progressive
must be accounted as aoristic. If the writer did
not
conceive the act or event as continuing, he left it in his
own
mind and for the reader undefined as respects progress,
hence
aoristic. Whether he left it thus undefined in his mind
must
of course be determined, if at all, from the context, there
being
no difference of form between a Progressive and an
THE FUTURE INDICATIVE. 33
Aoristic
Future. It should be noticed that it is not enough
to
show that an act will be in fact continued, in order to count
the
verb which predicts it a Progressive Future; it must ap-
pear
that the writer thought of it as continuing. Every
Future
form is therefore by presumption aoristic. It can
be
accounted progressive only on evidence that the writer
thought
of t4e act as continued.
REM. There is one exception to this
principle. In verbs of effort a
Progressive
Future is naturally like other Progressive forms, a conative
tense.
An Aoristic Future of such a verb is like the Aorist, a resultative
tense.
Since the latter is the larger meaning, the context must give the
evidence
of this larger meaning, and such evidence failing, it cannot be
considered
established that the verb is resultative. The verb in John 12:
32
furnishes an interesting and important illustration. .Since the verb
denotes
effort, the Future will naturally be accounted conative if it is
judged
to be progressive, and resultative if it is taken as aoristic. In the
latter
case the meanwg will be, I will by my
attraction bring all men to
me. In the former
case the words will mean, I will exert on
all men an
attractive
influence.
63. To decide whether a given Aoristic
Future merely pre-
dicts
the fact, or refers to the inception of the action, or has
reference
to it as a thing accomplished, must again be deter-
mined
by the context or the meaning of the word. The dis-
tinction
between the indefinite and the resultative senses will
often
be very difficult to make, and indeed the difference
of
thought will be but slight. Here also it results from the
nature
of the distinction between the indefinite use and the
other
two, inceptive and resultative, that any instance of
the
Aoristic Future not clearly inceptive or resultative must
be
accounted indefinite. In other words, if the writer did not
define
the action to his own mind as inceptive or resultative,
he
left it indefinite, a mere fact.
64. The distinction between momentary,
comprehensive,
and
collective is in respect to the Future tense, as in respect
34
THE
TENSES.
to
the Aorist, a distinction which primarily has reference to
the
facts referred to and only secondarily to the writer's con-
ception
of the facts. There may easily occur instances which
will
defy classification at this point. A writer may predict
an
event not only without at the moment thinking whether
it
is to be a single deed or a series of deeds, a momentary or
an
extended action, but even without knowing. Thus the
sentence,
He will destroy his enemies, may be
uttered by one
who
has confidence that the person referred to will in some .
way
destroy his enemies, without at all knowing whether he
will
destroy them one by one, or all at once, and whether by
some
long-continued process, or by one exterminating blow.
In
such cases the verb can only be accounted as an Aoristic
Future,
incapable of further classification.
65. From a
different point of view from that of the above
classification,
the instances of the Predictive Future might be
classified
as (a) assertive, and (b) promissory. The distinc-
tion
between the assertion that an event will take place and
the
promise that it shall take place is difficult to make,
requiring
delicate discrimination, but is often important for
purposes
of interpretation. It is in general not indicated in
Greek,
and its representation in English is complicated by the
varied
uses of the auxiliary verbs shall and
will. In general
it
may be said that in principal clauses shall
is in the first
person
simply assertive, will is promissory;
in the second and
third
person will is assertive, shall is
promissory, imperative,
or
solemnly predictive.
R. V. employs shall almost constantly in
the second and
third
person, in most cases probably intending it as solemnly
predictive.
Matt.
I
say unto you, he shall by no means lose his reward.
THE FUTURE INDICATIVE. 35
Mark
11:31; e]a>n ei@pwmen ]Ec ou]ranou?, e]rei?, if we say, From heaven, he
will
say.
Luke
22:61; Pri>n a]le<ktora fwnh?sai
sy<meron a]parnh<s^ me tri<j, before
the cock crow this day, thou shalt deny
me thrice. See also Matt. 11:
28, 29;
66. A Predictive
Future is sometimes made emphatically
negative
by the use of the negative ou] mh>, Matt.
35;
Mark
67.
The Imperative Future.
The second person of the
Future
Indicative is often used as an Imperative. HA.
844;
G. 1265.
Jas.
2:8; a]gaph<seij to>n plhsi<on sou
w[j seauto<n,
thou shalt love thy
neighbor as thyself.
REM. 1: This idiom as it occurs in the
New Testament shows clearly
the
influence of the Septuagint. It occurs most frequently in prohibi-
tions,
its negative being, as also commonly in classical Greek, not mh<
but
ou]. G.MT.
69, 70; B. p. 267; WM. pp.. 396 f.; WT. pp. 315 f.
REM. 2. In Matt. 15: 6 the verb timh<sei has the negative ou]
mh<.
Some
interpreters
take this as a Predictive Future, but the thought requires the
Imperative
sense, and in view of the frequent use of ou]
mh<
with the Future
in
an imperative sense in the Septuagint, and its occasional use in classi-
cal
Greek, the possibility of it can hardly be denied. WM. p. 636 f., n. 4;
G.MT.297.
68. One or two probable instances of the
Imperative Future
in
the third person occur, though perhaps no entirely certain
case.
Matt. 4:4, ou]k e]p ] a@rt& mo<n& zh<setai o[ a@nqrwpoj
ably
to be so regarded, though the Hebrew of the passage
quoted
(Deut. 8:3) is apparently Gnomic rather than Imper-
ative.
On Matt. 15:6, see 67, Rem. 2. See also Matt. 20:
26,
27.
36
THE
TENSES.
69.
The Gnomic Future.
The Future Indicative may
be
used to state what will customarily happen when occa-
sion
offers.
Rom.
5:7; mo<lij ga>r u[pe>r dikai<ou
tij a]poqanei?tai,
for scarcely for a
righteous
man will one die.
See also Gen. 44:15;
ti<sei. Observe the
Gnomic Presents both before and after.
70.
The Deliberative Future. The Future Indicative
is
sometimes used in questions of deliberation, asking not
what
will happen, but what can or ought to be done.
Such
questions may be real questions asking information,
or
rhetorical questions taking the place of a direct asser-
tion.
Cf. 169.
Luke
John
6:68; ku<rie, pro>j ti<na
a]peleuso<meqa,
Lord, to whom shall we go?
71. PERIPHRASTIC
FORM: OF THE FUTURE. A Future tense
composed
of a Present Participle and the Future of the verb
ei]mi< is found occasionally in the New
Testament. The force
is
that of a Progressive Future, with the thought of continu-
ance
or customariness somewhat emphasized.
Luke
catcher of men.
Luke
to] be trodden under foot.
72. Me<llw with the
Infinitive is also used with a force
akin
to that of the Future Indicative. It is usually employed
of
an action which one intends to do, or of that which is
certain,
destined to take place.
Matt.
2:13; me<llei
ga>r [Hr&<dhj zhtei?n to>
paidi<on tou? a]pole<sai au]to<,
for Herod will seek the young child to destroy it.
Luke
for
the Son of man is to be delivered up into the hands of
men. See also Matt.
THE PERFECT INDICATIVE. 37
73. By the use of
the Imperfect of me<llw with the Infinitive
it
is affirmed that at a past point of time an action was about
to
take place or was intended or destined to occur.
John
pisteu<santej
ei]j au]to<n,
but this spake he of the Spirit which
they
that
believed on him were to receive. See also Luke 7:2; John 6:71.
THB PERFECT
INDICATIVE.
74. The Perfect of Completed Action. In
its most
frequent
use the Perfect Indicative represents an action as
standing
at the time of speaking complete. The reference
of
the tense is thus double; it implies a past action and
affirms
an existing result. HA. 847; G. 1250, 3.
Acts
filled
Romans
5:5; o!ti h[
a]ga<ph tou? qeou? e]kke<xutai e]n tai?j kardi<aij h[mw?n,
because
the love of God has been poured forth in our hearts.
2
Tim. 4:7; to>n kalo>n a]gw?na
h]gw<nismai, to>n dro<mon tete<leka, th>n
pi<stin
teth<rhka, I have fought the good fight, I have finished
the
course,
I have kept the faith.
REM. On the use of the term complete as
a grammatical term, see
85.
On the distinction between the Perfect and the Aorist, see 86.
75.
The Perfect of Existing State. The Perfect is
sometimes
used when the attention is directed wholly to
the
present resulting state, the past action of which it is
the
result being left out of thought. This usage occurs
most
frequently in a few verbs which use the Perfect in
this
sense only. HA. 849; G.1263.
Matt.
27:43; pe<poiqen e]pi> to>n qeo<n, he trusteth on God.
1
Cor. 11:2; e]painw? de> u[ma?j, o!ti pa<nta
mou? me<mnhsqe,
now praise you
that
ye remember me in all things.
Luke
24:46; ou!twj ge<graptai, thus it is written, i.e. stands written.
See also Rev. 19:13.
38
THE TENSES.
76. There is no
sharp line of distinction between the Perfect
of
Completed Action and the Perfect of Existing State. To
the
latter head are to be assigned those instances in which the
past
act is practically dropped from thought, and the attention
turned
wholly to the existing result; while under the former
head
are to be placed those instances in which it is evident
that
the writer had in mind both the past act and the present
result.
77. THE INTENSIVE
PERFECT. The Perfect is sometimes
used
in classical Greek as an emphatic or intensive Present.
It
is possible that under this head should be placed certain
Perfects
of the New Testament more commonly assigned to
one
of the preceding uses. Thus pe<poiqa a practically
expresses
the
thought of
a
stronger way of saying pisteu<w. John 6:69; pepisteu<kamen
kai> e]gnw<kamen o!ti su> ei#
o[ a!gioj tou? qeou?,
we have believed and know
that thou art
the Holy One of God.
See also 2 Cor. 1:10.
Whether
this usage is in the New Testament a survival of the
ancient
intensive use of the Perfect, regarded by some gram.
marians
as an original function of the tense (Del.
IV. 94 ff.,
Br. 162), or a
later development from the Perfect of com.
pleted
action, affirming the present existence of the result of
a
past act, need not, for the purpose of the interpreter, be
decided.
78. Of the Historical Perfect in the
sense of a Perfect
which
expresses a past completed action, the result of which
the
speaker conceives himself to be witnessing (as in the case
of
the Historical Present he conceives himself to be witness-
ing
the action itself), there is no certain New Testament
instance.
Possible instances are Matt. 13: 46; Luke 9:36;
2
Cor. 12:17; Jas. l:24. Cf. Br. 162.
This idiom is perhaps
rather
rhetorical than strictly grammatical.
THE PERFECT INDICATIVE 39
Ke<kragen
in
John
vividly
conceived of as if present to the speaker. But since
the
Perfect of the verb had already in classical Greek come to
be
recognized as functionally a Present, it is from the point
of
view of the current usage a Historical Present rather than
a
Historical Perfect. Cf. L. and S. s.v.
79. The Perfect in
1 Cor.
tai, is probably Gnomic, referring to a
state that is wont to exist. If
a]pelh<luqen in Jas.
Present
or Aorist. G.MT. 154, 155.
80. THE AORISTIC
PERFECT. The Perfect Indicative is
sometimes
used in the New Testament of a simple past fact
where
it is scarcely possible to suppose that the thought of
existing
result was in the writer's mind. See more fully
under
88.
2Cor.
I
had no relief for my spirit because I found not Titus.
Rev
8:5; kai>
ei@lhfen o[ a@ggeloj to>n libanwto<n, kai> e]ge<misen au]to<n, and
the
angel took the censer, and filled it. See also Matt. 25:6; 2 Cor.
1:9; 7:5;
81. The Perfect
Indicative in indirect discourse after a
verb
of past time is regularly rendered into English by a
Pluperfect.
This involves, however, no special use of the
tense,
but results from the regular difference between English
and
Greek in the matter of indirect discourse. Cf. 353.
82. When the
Perfect Indicative is used of a past event
which
is by reason of the context necessarily thought of as
separated
from the moment of speaking by an interval, it is
impossible
to render it into English adequately. English
idiom
forbids the use of the Perfect because of the interval
(present
in thought as well 'as existing in fact) between the
act
and the time of speaking, while the English Past tense
40
THE
TENSES.
fails
to express the idea of existing result which the Greek
Perfect
conveys. In most of these cases R.V. has attempted
to
preserve the sense of the Greek at the expense of the Eng-
lish
idiom.
Acts
xeiri>
a]gge<lou tou? o]fqe<ntoj au]t&? e]n t^? ba<t&, him did God
send
[R. V. hath God sent] to be both a ruler
and a deliverer with the hand
of the angel which appeared to him in
the bush. See also instances
cited by
who also were [ge<geonan, R. V. have been] in Christ before me; John
6, 9; 8:5.
These cases should not be confused with
those treated under
80.
Here the Greek tense has its normal force, though it can-
not
be well rendered by its usual English equivalent. There
the
use of the Greek tense is somewhat abnormal.
83. For the
Perfect used proleptically, see 50.
84. PERIPHRASTIC
FORM OF THE PERFECT. Periphrastic
Perfects,
formed by adding a Perfect Participle to the
Present
of the verb ei]mi< are frequent in
the New Testament,
about
forty instances occurring. In function these forms
more
frequently denote existing state, though clear instances
of
the Perfect denoting completed action occur. The former
use
is illustrated in Luke 20:6; John 2:17; Acts 2:13;
25:10;
2 Cor. 4:3, etc.; the latter in Luke 23:15; Acts
26:26;
Heb. 4:2, etc. Cf. 431.
85. It is important to observe that the
term "complete"
or
"completed" as a grammatical term does not mean ended,
but
accomplished, i.e. brought to its
appropriate result, which
result remains
at the time denoted by the verb. "The Perfect,
although
it implies the performance of the action in past time.
yet
states only that it stands completed at the present time."
THE PERFECT INDICATIVE 41
G. MT. 44.
"Das Perf. hatte zwei altuberkommene Funktio-
nen.
Einerseits hatte es intensi ven, beziehentlich iterativen
Sinn.
. . . Anderseits bezeichnete es die Handlung im Zustand
des
Vollendet- und Fertigseins."
An action which has ceased may be
expressed in Greek by
the
Aorist or the Imperfect quite as well as by the Perfect,
provided
only the action is thought of apart from any existing
result
of it. These tenses are indeed more frequently used
of
actions which are complete in the sense of having come to
an
end than is the Perfect. See, e.g., Gal. 4:8; to<te
me>n .
. .
e]douleu<sate toi?j fu<sei mh>
ou#si qeoi?j,
at that time. . . ye were in
bondage to them
which by nature are no gods; and 2 Cor. 7, 8;
ou] metame<lomai: ei] kai>
metemelo<mhn,
I do not regret it, although
I did regret [was
regretting] it. The Perfect, on the other
hand,
affirms the existence of the normal result of the action,
and
this even though the action itself is still in progress.
See,
e.g., the Perfect teth<rhka, in 2 Tim. 4:7,
quoted under 74.
86. Since the
Aorist and the Perfect both involve reference
to
a past event, the Perfect affirming the existence of the
result
of the event, and the Aorist affirming the event itself,
without
either affirming or denying the existence of the result,
it
is evident that whenever the result of the past action does
still
exist, either tense may be used, according as the writer
wishes
either to affirm the result or merely the event. In
many
cases the reason of the choice of one tense rather than
the
other is very evident and the distinction clearly marked,
even
when in accordance with the principle of 82 both tenses
must
be translated by an English Past. See, e.g., 1 Cor. 15:4;
o!ti e]ta<fh, kai> o!ti
e]gh<gertai t^? h[me<r% t^? tri<t^, that
he was buried,
and thai he was
raised on the third day. The burial is simply
a
past event. Of the resurrection there is an existing result,
prominently
before the mind.
42
THE TENSES.
But there are naturally other cases in
which, though each
tense
retains its own proper force, the two approximate very
closely,
and are used side by side of what seem to be quite
coordinate
facts. Instances of this approximation of the two
tenses
are especially frequent in the writings of John. See
John
and
87. It might be
supposed that the Resultative Aorist would
be
especially near in force to the Perfect. The distinction is,
however,
clearly marked. The Resultative Aorist affirms that
an
action attempted in past time was accomplished, saying
nothing
about the present result. The Perfect, on the other ~,
hand,
belongs to all classes of verbs, not merely to those that !
imply
attempt, and affirms the existence of the result of the
past
action, the occurrence of which it implies.
88. It should be
observed that the aoristic use of the Per-
fect
(80) is a distinct departure from the strict and proper
sense
of the tense in Greek. The beginnings of this departure
are
to be seen in classical Greek (G.MT. 46), and in Greek
writers
of a time later than the New Testament the tendency
was
still further developed, until the sense of difference between
the
tenses was lost.
Meantime there grew up a new form of the
Perfect, made
as
is the English Perfect, of an auxiliary denoting possession
(in
Greek e@xw, as in English have) and a participle.
This
periphrastic
Perfect, traces of which appear even in classical
times
(G.MT. 47), at length entirely displaced the simple
Perfect
for the expression of completed action, and the process
by
which the Perfect had become an Aorist in meaning and
been
succeeded in office as a Perfect tense by another form
was
complete. See Jebb in Vincent and Dickson, Modern Greek,
pp.
326-330. In the New Testament we see the earlier stages
THE PERFECT INDICATIVE. 43
of
this process. The Perfect is still, with very few exceptions,
a
true Perfect, but it has begun to be an Aorist. In Latin this
process
was already complete so far as the assimilation of the
Perfect
and the Aorist was concerned; the new Perfect had
not
yet appeared. In modern English we see the process at a
point
midway between that represented by the Greek of the
New
Testament and that which appears in the Latin of about
the
same time. Modern German represents about the same
stage
as modern English, but a little further advanced.
It should be borne in mind that in determining
whether a
given
Perfect form is a true Perfect in sense or not, the
proper
English translation is no certain criterion, since the
functions
of the Perfect tense in the two languages differ so
widely.
Cf. 52. The Perfect pepoi<hka in 2 Cor.
evidently
aoristic; that it "goes quite naturally into Eng-
lish"
(S. p. 104) does not at all show that it has the usual
force
of a Greek Perfect. Many Aorists even go quite natu-
rally
and correctly into English Perfects. Cf. 46. The Per-
fects
in Luke 9:36; 2 Cor.
Perfects,
though it is possible that in all these cases the
thought
of an existing result is more or less clearly in mind
and
gives occasion to the use of the Perfect tense. The
Perfect
pe<praken in Matt.
historical,
probably the former (see Sophocles,
Glossary, etc.,
82,
4). The evidence seems to show clearly that Matthew
regularly
used ge<gona in the sense of
an Aorist; some of the
instances
cannot, without violence, be otherwise explained, and
all
are naturally so explained. Mark's use of the word is pos-
sibly
the same, but the evidence is not decisive. All other
writers
of the New Testament use the form as a true Perfect.
Still other cases should perhaps be
explained as Aoristic
Perfects,
but for the reasons mentioned in 86 it is impossible
44
THE TENSES.
to
decide with certainty. While there is clear evidence that
the
Perfect tense was in the New Testament sometimes an
Aorist
in force, yet it is to be observed that the New Testa-
ment
writers had perfect command of the distinction between
the
Aorist and the Perfect. The instances of the Perfect in
the
sense of the Aorist are confined almost entirely to a few
forms,
e@sxhka, ei@lhfa, e[w<raka, ei@rhka, and ge<gona, and the use of
each
of these forms in the sense of an Aorist mainly to one
or
more writers whose use of it is apparently almost a per-
sonal
idiosyncrasy. Thus the aoristic use of ge<gona belongs
to
Matt; of ei@lhfa to John in Rev.; of e@sxhka to Paul; but
see
also Heb. 7:13. The idiom is therefore confined within
narrow
limits in the New Testament. Cf. Ev. Pet. 23, 31.
2 Cor. 12:9 and 1 John 1:10 are probably
true Perfects of
Completed
Action, the latter case being explained by v. 8.
John1:18;
vey
the thought of existing result, though the use of an adverb
of
past time serves to give more prominence to the past action
than
is usually given by a Perfect tense.
THE PLUPERFECT.
89. The Pluperfect of Completed Action.
The Plu-
perfect
is used of an action which was complete at a point
of
past time implied in the context. HA.
847; G. 1250, 4.
Acts
9:21; kai> w$de ei]j tou?to e]lhlu<qei, and he had come hither for this
intent.
John
9:22; h@dh
ga>r sunete<qeinto oi[ ]Ioudai?oi, for the Jews had agreed
already. See also Luke
8: 2; Acts
90.
The Pluperfect of Existing State. Verbs which
in
the Perfect denote a present state, in the Pluperfect
denote
a past state. HA. 849, c; G. 1263.
THE PLUPERFECT. 45
Luke
Christ. See also John
18:16, 18; Acts 1:10.
91. PERIPHRASTIC
FORM OF THE PLUPERFECT. A peri-
phrastic
Pluperfect formed by adding the Perfect Participle
to
the Imperfect of the verb ei]mi< is somewhat
frequent in the
New
Testament. In classical Greek this was already the only
form
in the third person plural of liquid and mute verbs, and
an
occasional form elsewhere. In the New Testament these
periphrastic
forms are frequently, but not at all uniformly,
Pluperfects
of existing state; about one-third of the whole
number
of instances belong to the class of Pluperfects denot-
ing
completed action, referring to the past act as well as the
existing
result. Cf. G.MT. 45.
Matt.
26:43; h#san
ga>r au]tw?n oi[ o]fqalmoi> bebarhme<noi, for their eyes
were
heavy, lit. weighed down.
Luke
and
it had been revealed to him by the Holy Spirit.
92. The ambiguity
of the English sometimes renders it
impossible
to distinguish in translation between a Pluperfect
of
Existing State and an Historical Aorist. Thus in Acts
and
31 we must, in both cases read were gathered, though the
verb
in the former case is an Aorist and refers to an act, and
in
the latter a Perfect and refers to a state. Cf. also the two
verbs
in Luke 15:24.
93. The simple Future Perfect does not
occur in the New
Testament.
Respecting Luke
lexicons
s.v.
94. A periphrastic Future Perfect,
expressing a future
state,
occurs in Matt. 16:19;
46
THE TENSES.
TENSES OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS.
95. The tenses of
the dependent moods have in general no
reference
to time, but characterize the action of the verb in
respect
to its progress only, representing it as in progress,
or
completed, or indefinitely, simply as an event. H.A. 851;
G.
1212,1213; G.MT.85.
96.
The Present of the Dependent Moods is used to
represent
an action as in progress or as repeated. It may
be
altogether timeless, the action being thought of without
reference
to the time of its occurrence; or its time, as
past,
present, or future, may be involved in the function
of
the mood, or may be indicated by the context.
Phil.
3:1; ta> au]ta> gra<fein u[mi?n
e]moi> me>n ou]k o]knhro<n, to
be writing the
same
things to you, to me indeed is not irksome.
Matt.
therefore thou shalt be offering thy
gift at the altar.
Mk.
e]stin
pa<ntwn tw?n o[lokautwma<twn kai> qusiw?n, and to love him with
all
the heart. . . is much more than all whole burnt offerings and
sacrifices.
97. PERIPHRASTIC
FORM OF THE PRESENT. A periphras-
tic
Present Infinitive, formed by adding a Present Participle
to
the Present Infinitive of ei]mi<, and a
periphrastic Present
Imperative,
formed by adding a Present Participle to the
Present
Imperative of ei]mi<, occur rarely in the New
Testament.
Luke
9:18; 11:1; Matt. 5:25; Luke 19:11. Cf. 20, and
431.
98. The Aorist of
the Dependent Moods represents
the
action expressed by the verb as a simple event or fact,
OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. 47
without
reference either to its progress or to the existence
of
its result. As in the Indicative the verb may be indefi-
nite,
inceptive or resultative (cf. 35), and when indefinite
may
refer to a momentary or extended action or to a
series
of events (cf. 39).
The time of the action, if indicated at
all, is shown, not
by
the tense, but by some fact outside of it.
An Aorist Subjunctive after e]a<n, o!tan, e!wj etc. is sometimes properly
translated
by a Perfect or Future Perfect, but only because the context
shows
that the action is to precede that of the principal verb. In the
great
majority of cases a Present Subjunctive or a Future is the best
translation.
See examples under 250, 285, 303, 322.
Luke
9:54; ei@pwmen pu?r katabh?nai, shall we bid
fire to come down?
John
15:9; mei<nate
e]n t^? a]ga<p^ t^? e]m^?, abide ye in my love.
Luke
17:4; kai> e]a>n e[pta<kij th?j
h[me<raj a[marth<s^? ei]j se> . . . a]fh<seij
au[t&?,
and if
he sin against thee seven times in the day. . . thou shalt
forgive
him.
Acts
they had become silent, James answered.
Acts
11:17; e]gw> ti<j h@mhn dunato>j
kwlu?sai to>n qeo>n,
who was I that I
could withstand God?
REM. Compare the Presents and Aorists in
the following examples:
Matt.
this day our daily bread.
Luke
11:3; to>n
a@rton h[mw?n to>n e]piou<sion di<dou h[mi?n to> kq ] h[me<ran,
give us day by day our daily bread.
Acts
18:9; mh>
fofou?, a]lla> la<lei kai> mh> siwph<s^j, be not in
fear, but
[continue to] speak and hold not thy
peace.
Matt.
5:17; ou]k h#lqon katalu?sai a]lla>
plhrw?sai,
I came not to destroy,
but to fulfil.
John
9:4; h[ma?j
dei? e]rga<zesqai ta> e@rga tou? me<myanto<j me e!wj h[me<ra
e]sti<n, we must work [be doing] the works of him
that sent me while
it
is day.
99. The Future
Optative does not occur in the New Tes.
tament.
48
THE
TENSES.
The Future Infinitive denotes time
relatively to the time of
the
principal verb. It is thus an exception to the general prin-
ciple
of the timelessness of the dependent moods.
Acts
23:30; mhnuqei<shj de< moi e]piboulh?j
ei]j to>n a@ndra e@sesqai, and
when
it was shown to me that there would be a plot against the man.
100. The Infinitive me<llein with the Infinitive of another
verb
dependent on it has the force of a Future Infinitive of the
latter
verb. The dependent Infinitive is usually a Present,
sometimes
a Future. It is regularly a Future in the New
Testament
in the case of the verb dILL.
Acts
28.6; oi[ de> prosedo<kwn au]to>n
me<llein pi<mprasqai h} katapi<ptein
a@fnw
nekro<n,
but they expected that he would swell or
fall down sud-
denly. See also Acts
19: 27; 27: 10, etc.
101.
The Perfect of the Dependent Moods is used of
completed
action. As in the Indicative, the thought may
be
directed both to the action and its result, or only to the
result.
The time of the action is indicated, as in the
Present
and Aorist, not by the tense but by the context or
by
the function of the mood.
Acts
25:25; e]gw> de> katelabo<mhn
mhde>n a@cion au]to>n qana<tou pepraxe<nai,
but I found that he had committed
nothing worthy of death.
Acts
26:32; a]polelu<sqai e]du<nato o[
a@nqrwpoj ou$toj,
this man might have
been set at liberty.
Mark
102. AN INTENSIVE
PERFECT may occur in the dependent
moods
as in the Indicative.
1
Tim.
u[yhlogronei?n
mhde> h]lpike<nai e]pi> plou<tou a]dhlo<thti,
charge
them that are rich in this present world, that they be not high
minded,
nor have their hope set on the uncertainty of riches.
OF THE DEPENDENTT MOODS. 49
103.
PERIPHRASTIC FORM OF THE PERFECT. In the New
Testament
as in classical Greek, the Perfect Subjunctive Pas-
sive
is formed by adding a Perfect Participle to the Present
Subjunctive
of the verb ei]mi<. These forms are in the New
Testament
most commonly Perfects of Existing State. John
which
furnishes an instance of a periphrastic Perfect Impera-
tive,
enjoining the maintenance of the state denoted by the
Perfect
Participle. Cf. 20 and 431.
104. TENSES OF THE
INFINITIVE AFTER PREPOSITIONS.
The
general principle that the tenses of the dependent moods
characterize
the action of the verb only as respects progress
and
are properly timeless holds also respecting the Infinitive
after
prepositions, The Infinitive itself is properly timeless,
though
the time-relation is usually suggested by the meaning
of
the preposition or by this combined with that which the
tense
implies respecting the progress of the action.
105. By meta< with the Infinitive antecedence of the action
denoted by
the
Infinitive to that denoted by the principal verb is expressed, but this
meaning
manifestly lies in the preposition, not in the tense of the verb.
That
the Aorist Infinitive is almost constantly used (the Perfect occurs
once,
Heb.
latter
is usually conceived of simply as an event without reference to its
progress,
See Matt. 26:32; Luke 12:5; Acts 1:3; 1 Cor. 11:25, etc.
106. By pro< with the Infinitive antecedence of the action' of
the prin-
cipal verb to that of the Infinitive is
expressed, and the action of the
Infinitive
is accordingly relatively future. But here also the time relation
is
expressed wholly by the preposition. The reason for the almost uniform
use
of the Aorist (the Present EIp!1L occurs John 17: 5) is the same as in
the
case of meta<. See Luke
107. After ei]j
and pro<j the Infinitive usually refers to
an action which
is
future with respect to the principal verb. This also results from the
meaning
of the prepositions, which, expressing purpose or tendency,
necessarily
point to an action subsequent to that of the verb which the
50
THE
TENSES.
prepositional
phrase limits. When pro<j means with reference to, the time-
relation
is indicated only by the necessary relation of the things spoken
of.
See Luke 18: 1. All three tenses of the Infinitive occur after ei]j
and
both Present and Aorist after pro<j, the difference
marked by the tense
being
not of time but of progress. See
11:3;
Matt. 6:1; Mark 13:22. Cf. 409-414.
108. After dia< the three Infinitives distinguish the action as
respects
the
writer's conception of its progress, as continued, completed, or indefi-
nite.
Time relations are secondary and suggested. The Aorist Infinitive
occurs
only in Matt. 24:12, where to> plhqunqh?nai
th<n a]nomi<an
apparently
refers
to the multiplication of iniquity as a fact of that time without
exclusive
reference to its preceding the action of the principal verb. The
Present
Infinitive refers to action in progress usually shown by the con-
text
to be contemporaneous with the action of the principal verb. See
Matt.
13:5, 6; Acts 12:20; Heb. 10:2; Jas. 4:2. The Perfect Infini-
tive
has its usual force, denoting an action standing complete. The time
of
the state of completeness appears from the context; it is usually that
of
the principal verb. See Acts
where
dede<sqai denotes an action whose result was existing, not at
the
time
of speaking, but at an earlier time. Cf. 408.
109. After e]n
we naturally expect to find only the Present Infinitive,
the
preposition by its meaning suggesting an action thought of as in
progress;
and this is indeed the more common usage. Luke, however,
who
uses EV with the Infinitive far more frequently than all the other New
Testament
writers, has EV with the Aorist Infinitive nine times, and the
same
construction occurs in Hebrews twice, and in 1 Corinthians once.
Since
the Aorist Infinitive conceives of an action simply as an event with-
out
thought of its continuance, it is natural to take EV with it in the same
sense
which the preposition bears with nouns which denote an event rather
than
a continued action or state (cf. 98), viz. as marking the time at which
the
action expressed by the principal verb takes place. The preposition
in
this sense does not seem necessarily to denote exact coincidence, but
in
no case expresses antecedence. In 1 Cor.
action
of the Infinitive cannot be antecedent to that of the principal verb;
see
also Gen. 19:16. In Luke
and
in Luke 14:1 improbable in view of the Imperfect tense following.
In
Luke
by
the Infinitive, strictly speaking, precedes the action of the principal
verb,
yet may be thought of by the writer as marking more or less exactly
the
time at which the action of the verb takes place. As respects the
OF THE DEPENDENT MOODS. 51
relation
of the action to that of the principal verb, the Aorist Infinitive
after
EV may be compared to the Aorist Indicative after o!te,
which simply
marks
in general the time of the event denoted by the principal verb,
leaving
it to the context to indicate the precise nature of the chronological
relation.
See Matt. 12:3;
indefinite
is the use of the English preposition on with verbal nouns, as,
e.g., On the
completion of his twenty-first year he becomes of legal age;
On
the arrival of the train the procession
will be formed. Luke 3:21
cannot
in view of the Aorist tense be rendered, while
all the people were
being baptized, nor in view of
the preposition e]n, after
all the people had
been baptized, but must be
understood as affirming that the baptism of
Jesus
occurred at the time (in general) of the baptism of all the people.
Luke
appropriate
to the context. Cf. 415.
110. THE TENSES OF
THE DEPENDENT MOODS IN INDI-
RECT
DISCOURSE. The Optative and Infinitive in indirect
discourse
preserve the conception of the action as respects
progress
which belonged to the direct discourse. The Present
Optative
and Infinitive represent tense forms which in the
direct
discourse denoted action in progress. Similarly the
Aorist
of these moods represents forms which expressed action
indefinitely,
and the Perfect stands for forms denoting com-
pleted
action. The Future represents a Future Indicative of
the
direct discourse. In the majority of cases each tense of
the
Optative or Infinitive in indirect discourse stands for the
same
tense of the Indicative or Subjunctive of the direct form.
Yet
it is doubtful whether, strictly speaking, the dependent
moods
in indirect discourse express time-relations. The cor-
respondence
of tenses probably rather results from the neces-
sity
of preserving the original conception of the action as
respects
its progress, and the time-relation is conveyed by the
context
rather than by the tense of the verb.
REM. Cf. Br. 161. "Der opt. und
info aor. von vergangenen Hand-
lungen
als Vertreter des indo aor. in der or. obl. entbehrten ebenso wie opt.
und
info praes. (§ 158) des Ausdrucks der Zeitbeziehung, die nur aus der
52
THE
TENSES.
Natur
der in der Rede in Verbindung gebrachten Verbalbegriffe oder aus
der
ganzen in Rede stehenden Situation erkannt wurde." Cf. G.MT.
85,
contra.
111. The Present
Optative in indirect discourse in the New
Testament
usually represents the Present Indicative of the
direct
form. Luke
25:16,
it stands for a Present Subjunctive of the direct form.
The
Optative with a@n is taken unchanged from the direct dis-
course.
Luke 1:62;
in
indirect discourse only in Acts 25:16, where it represents
a
Subjunctive of the direct form referring to the future.
Neither
the Perfect Optative nor the Future" Optative occurs in
the
New Testament.
112. The Present
Infinitive in indirect discourse in the
New
Testament stands for the Present Indicative of the direct
form.
Matt. 22:23; Luke
resents
the Perfect Indicative of the direct discourse. Luke
ent
Infinitive as the representative of the Imperfect, and the
Perfect
Infinitive as the representative of the Pluperfect
(G. MT. 119, 123) apparently do not occur
in the New.Testa-
ment.
The Future Infinitive is, as stated above (99), an
exception
to the general rule of the timelessness of the de-
pendent
moods. It represents a Future Indicative of the
direct
form. John 21:25; Acts 23:30; Heb. 3:18.
113. The Aorist
Infinitive occurs in the New Testament,
as
in classical Greek, as a regular construction after verbs
signifying
to hope, to promise, to swear, to command,
etc. In
this
case the action denoted by the Aorist Infinitive is, by the
nature
of the case, future with reference to that of the princi-
OF THE PARTICIPLE 53
pal
verb, but this time-relation is not expressed by the tense.
The'
Aorist Infinitive is here as elsewhere timeless. These
instances,
though closely akin in force to those of indirect
discourse,
are not usually included under that head. Cf.
G.MT.684.
114. The Aorist
Infinitive referring to what is future with
t
reference to the principal verb also occurs in a few instances
after
verbs of assertion. These must be accounted cases in
which
the Aorist Infinitive in indirect discourse is timeless.
Luke
24:46; o!ti ou!twj ge<graptai paqei?n
to>n xristo>n kai> a]nasth?nai e]k
nekrw?n
t^? h[me<r%,
thus it is written, that the Christ
should suffer,
and
rise again from the dead the third day. See also Luke 2 : 26 ;
Acts
accomplishment being still future (Carter in Cl. Rev. Feb. 1891,
p. 5). Plat. Euthyd. 278, C. e]fa<thn e]pidei<casqai th>n protreptikh>n
sofi<an, they said that
they would give a sample of the hortatory
wisdom.
Protag. 316 C. tou?to de> oi@etai< oi[ ma<lista gene<sqai, ei]
soi>
cugge<noito,
and he supposes that he would be most
likely to attain this if he should associate with you; and other
examples in Riddell, Digest of
Platonic Idioms, § 81; also in G.MT.
127.
There is apparently no instance in the
New Testament of
the
Aorist Infinitive in indirect discourse representing the
Aorist
Indicative of the direct form. Cf. 890.
TENSES OF THE
PARTIOIPLE.
115. The participle
is a verbal adjective, sharing in part
the
characteristics of both the 'verb and the adjective; it de-
scribes
its subject as a doer of the action denoted by the verb.
For
the proper understanding of a participle three things must
be
observed:
(a) The grammatical agreement.
(b) The use of the tense.
(c) The modal significance, or logical
force.
54 THE TENSES.
116. In grammatical
agreement, a participle follows the
rule
for adjectives, agreeing with its noun or pronoun in gen-
der,
number, and case.
117. The logical
force of the participle, usually the most
important
consideration from the point of view of interpreta-
tion,
will be treated at a later point. See 419 ff. The matter
now
under consideration is the significance of the tense of a
participle.
118. The tenses of
the participle, like those of the otherc
dependent
moods, do not, in general, in themselves denote time.
To
this general rule the Future Participle is the leading ex-
ception,
its functions being such as necessarily to express time-
relations.
The fundamental distinguishing mark of each of
the
other tenses is the same for the participle as for the
dependent
moods in general. The Present denotes action in
progress;
the Aorist, action conceived of indefinitely; the
Perfect,
completed action. These distinctions, however, im-
pose
certain limitations upon the classes of events which may
be
expressed by the participle of each tense, and thus indirectly
and
to a limited extent, the tense of the participle is an indica-
tion
of the time-relation of the event denoted by it. Since for
purposes
of interpretation it is often needful to define the
time-relation
of an event expressed by the participle, it becomes
expedient
to treat the tenses of the participle apart from
those
of the dependent moods in general.
THE PRESENT
PARTICIPLE.
119.
The Present Participle of Simultaneous Action.
The
Present Participle most frequently denotes an action
in
progress, simultaneous with the action of the principal
verb.
HA. 856; G. 1288.
THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE. 55
Mark
16:20; e]kei?noi de> e]celqo<ntej
e]kh<rucan pantaxou?, tou? kuri<ou
sunergou?ntoj, and they went forth and preached everywhere,
the Lord
working
with them.
Acts
10:44; e@ti
lalou?ntoj tou? Pe<trou ta> r[h<mata tau?ta e]pe<pese to>
pneu?ma
to> a!gion e]pi> pa<ntaj tou>j a]kou<ontaj to>n lo<gon, while Peter
was
yet speaking these words, the Holy Ghost fell on all them which
heard
the word.
REM. The action of the verb and that of
the participle may be of the
same
extent (Mark
action
of the verb falls within the period covered by the participle (Acts
Even a subsequent action is occasionally
expressed by a Present
Participle,
which in this case stands after the verb. Cf. 145.
Acts
19:9; a]fw<risen tou>j maqhta>j, kaq
] h[me<ran dialego<menoj e]n t^?
sxol^?
Tura<nnou, he
separated the disciples, reasoning daily in the
120. The Present Participle of Identical
Action.
The
Present Participle not infrequently denotes the same
action
which is expressed by the verb of the clause in
which
it stands.
John
6:6; tou?to de> e@legen peira<zwn
au]to<n,
and this he said trying him.
See also Matt. 27 : 41; John 21 : 19;
Acts 9 : 22; Gal. 3 : 23.
121. The verb and
the participle of identical action, though
denoting
the same action, usually describe it from a different
point
of view.. The relation between the different points of
view
varies greatly. It may be the relation of fact to method,
as
in Acts
nificance
or quality, as in Luke 22:65; or of act to purpose
or
result, as in Matt. 16:1; John 6:6.
122. A Present
Participle of Identical Action, since it de-
notes
action in progress, most naturally accompanies a verb
denoting
action in progress. Sometimes, however, a Pres-
ent
Participle accompanies an Aorist verb denoting the same
56
THE TENSES.
action;
regularly so in the phrase a]pekri<nato (a]pekri<qh) le<gwn;
see
Mark 15:9; Luke 3:16; John 1:26; etc.
Acts
15:24; e]ta<racan u[ma?j lo<goij
a]naskeua<zontej ta>j yuxa>j u[mw?n,
they
have troubled you with words, subverting your souls. See also
Acts 1:3; 22:4; Gen. 43:6.
Similarly a Present Participle
representing the action as in
progress,
may accompany an Aoristic Future, which conceives
of
it simply as an event. Acts 15:29; 1 Macc. 12:22.
123.
The General Present Participle. The Present
Participle
is also used without reference to time or prog-
ress,
simply defining its subject as belonging to a certain
class,
i.e. the class of those who do ,the action denoted
by
the verb. The participle in this case becomes a simple
adjective
or noun and is, like any other adjective or noun,
timeless
and indefinite. B. pp. 296 f.; WM. p. 444; WT.
p.
353.
Acts
to>n
qeo<n,
Cornelius a centurion, a righteous and
God-fearing man.
Mark
demoniac.
Ga1.
6:6; koiwnei<tw
de> o[ kathxou<menoj to>n lo<gon t&? kathxou?nti e]n
pa?sin
a]gaqoi?j,
but let him that is taught in the word
communicate to
him
that teacheth in all good things.
124. A class may
consist of those who habitually or con-
stantly
do a given act, or of those who once do the act the
single
doing of which is the mark of the class. The former
case
is illustrated in Matt. 5:6; the latter in Rev. 14:13.
Matt.
5:6; maka<rioi oi[ peinw?ntej kai>
diyw?ntej th>n dikaiosu<nhn, blessed
are they that hunger and thirst after
righteousness.
Rev.
14:13; maka<rioi
oi[ nekroi> oi[ e]n kuri<& a]poqnh<skontej, blessed are
the
dead which die in the Lord. See also Matt. 7:13.
THE PRESENT PARTICIPLE. 57
In the first class of cases the Present
Participle only can be
used;
in the second class either an Aorist (as in Matt.
26:52;
John 16:2, et al.) or a Present may occur, and that,
either
in the plural designating the class as such, or in the
singular
designating an individual of the class.
Thus panti>
a]nqrw<p& peritemnome<n& (Gal. 5:3; cf.
circumcised, i.e. that receives circumcision (R. V.,
correctly though not
literally).
So also in Heb. 5:1 lambano<menoj does not mean,
one that is
wont
to be taken, but, that is taken. Being once taken is the mark of the
class
here referred to, as being once circumcised is the mark of the class
referred
to in Gal. 5:3. The customariness applies not to the action of
the
individual member of the class, but to that of the class as a whole; as
in
Heb. 5:1, the Present Indicative kaqi<statai may be
rendered, is wont
to
be appointed, not in the sense, each one
is wont to be [repeatedly]
appointed, but, it is wont to happen to each that he is
appointed. Cf. 125.
In
Luke
divorce,
still less, every one that has divorced, but, every one that divorces
125. Through the
ambiguity of the English Passive form,
such
Present Participles as those just referred to (124) are
easily
taken by the English interpreter as equivalent to Per-
fect
Participles, but always to the greater or less distortion of,
the
meaning of the passage}
Thus in Gal. 5:3 (see 124) peritemnome<n& not equivalent to a Perfect.
every
circumcised man. The apostle is not speaking of circumcision as
an
accomplished fact, but of becoming circumcised. Similarly Heb. 5:1
refers
not to one that has been taken
(German: ist genommen worden),
but
that is taken (German: wird genommen). In Heb. 5:4 kalou<menoj
is
one that is (not, has been) called. In
Luke
1 This ambiguity
of the English may be illustrated by the form is
written.
In the sentence, It is written in your law, etc., is written is a
Perfect
of
The
German would be ist geschrieben. In
the sentence, The name of each
I scholar is
written in the register as he enters the school, the same form
is
a Present of customary action, and would be expressed in Greek by
gra<fetai, and in German
by wird geschrieben.
58
THE
TENSES.
swzo<menoi, the participle
is undoubtedly a General Present, the inquiry
being
neither on the one hand as to the number of those
that are already
saved (Perfect of
pleted
Action) nor, on the other, with reference to those that are being
saved (Progressive
Present of Simultaneous Action), but with reference
to
those that are [i.e. become] saved. Cf. Luther's version, meinst
du,
dass wenige
selig werden?
and Weizsacker's, sind es wenige, die
gerettet
werden.?
The same participle in Acts 2:47; 1 Cor.
1:18; 2 Cor. 2:15, may
be
understood in the same way, and be rendered, we that are (in the sense
we
that become) saved, or may be taken as in R. V. as a Progressive
Present
of Simultaneous Action. It cannot mean the saved in the sense
of
those that have been saved. The statement of Dr. T. W. Chambers in
J.B.L.
June 1886, p. 40, that "the passive participle of the present tense
in
Greek is often, if not generally, used to express a completed action,"
is
wholly incorrect, and derives all its verisimilitude from the ambiguity
of
the English Passive forms.
126. A General
Present Participle sometimes occurs in the singular
when
the person to whom it refers constitutes the class designated. This
limitation
of the phrase to an individual is accomplished, however, not by
the
participle, but by its limitations. John
probably
means simply his betrayer. The
participle paradidou<j alone
designates
anyone belonging to the class of betrayers. It is the addition
of
the article and an object that restrict the participle to one person.
127. The Present Participle for the Imperfect.
The
Present Participle is also sometimes
used as an Imperfect
to
denote a continued action antecedent to that of the
principal
verb. H.A. 856, a; G.1289; G.MT.140.
Matt.
they
are dead that were seeking the young child's life. See also
John
128. The following
uses of the Present Participle are
closely
analogous to the uses of the Present Indicative already
described
under similar names. They are of somewhat infre-
quent
occurrence in the New Testament.
THE AORIST P ARTIOIPLE. 59
129. (a) THE
CONATIVE PRESENT.
Matt.
neither
suffer ye them that are entering in to enter. See also Acts
28:23.
130. (b) THE
PRESENT FOR THE FUTURE, the action de-
noted
being thought of as future with reference to the time of
the
principal verb.
Acts
21:3; e]kei?se
ga>r to> ploi?on h#n a]pofortizo<menon to>n go<mon, for
there
the ship was to unlade her burden.
131. (c) THE PRESENT OF PAST ACTION
STILL IN PROGRESS,
the
action denoted beginning before the action of the principal
verb
and continuing in progress at the time denoted by the
latter.
Act
9:33; eu$ren de> e]kei? a@nqrwpo<n tina
o[no<mati Ai]ne<an e]c e]tw?n
o]ktw>
katakei<menon
e]pi> kraba<ttou,
and there he found a certain man named
AEneas, who had been lying on a bed
eight years. See also Matt.
THE AORIST PARTICIPLE.
132. The general statement made under
118, that the
tenses
of the participle do not in general in themselves denote
time,
applies also to the Aorist Participle. It is very impor-
tant
for the right interpretation of the Aorist Participle that
it
be borne in mind that the proper and leading function of the
tense
is not to express time, but to mark the fact that the
action
of the verb .is conceived of indefinitely, as a simple
event.
The assumption that the Aorist Participle properly
denotes
past time, from the point of view either of the speaker
or
of the principal verb, leads to constant misinterpretation of
the
form. The action denoted by the Aorist Participle may
be
past, present, or future with reference to the speaker, and
60 THE TENSES.
antecedent
to, coincident with, or subsequent to, the action of
the
principal verb. The Aorist Participle, like the participles
of
the other tenses, may be most simply thought of as a noun
or
adjective, the designation of one who performs the action
denoted
by the verb, and like any other noun or adjective
timeless.
The distinction of the Aorist Participle is not that
it
expresses a different time-relation from that expressed by
the
Present or Perfect, but that it conceives of the action de-
noted
by it, not as in progress (Present), nor as an existing
result
(Perfect), but as a simple fact. Such an adjective or
noun
will not ordinarily be used if contemporaneousness
with
the action of the principal verb is distinctly in mind,
since
contemporaneousness suggests action in progress, and
action
in progress is expressed, not by the Aorist, but by
the
Present tense. Nor will it be used when the mind
distinctly
contemplates the existence of the result of the
action,
it being the function, not of the Aorist, but of
the
Perfect, to express existing result. Nor, again, will
the
Aorist noun be used if the writer desires distinctly
to
indicate that the doer of the action will perform it in
time
subsequent to that of the principal verb, the Aorist be-
ing
incapable in itself of suggesting subsequence or futurity.
But,
when these cases have been excluded, there remains a
considerable
variety of relations to which the Aorist is appli-
cable,
the common mark of them all being that the action
denoted
by the participle is thought of simply as an event.
Among
these various relations the case of action antecedent
to
that of the principal verb furnishes the largest number
of
instances. It is thus, numerically considered, the leading
use
of the Aorist Participle, and this fact has even to some
extent
reacted on the meaning of the tense, so that there is
associated
with the tense as a secondary, acquired, and wholly
subordinate
characteristic a certain suggestion of antecedence.
THE AORIST PARTICIPLE. 61
Yet
this use is no more than the other uses a primary function
of
the tense, nor did it ever displace the others, or force them
into
a position of subordination or abnormality. The instances
in
which the action denoted by the participle is not antecedent
to
the action of the principal verb are as normal as that in
which
it is so, and were evidently so recognized alike in clas-
sical
and in New Testament Greek. The Aorist Participle of
Antecedent
Action does not denote antecedence; it is used of
antecedent
action, where antecedence is implied, not by the
Aorist
tense as a tense of past time, but in some other way.
The
same principle holds respecting all the uses of this tense.
The
following section (133) is accordingly a definition of the
constant
function of the Aorist Participle, while 134, 139, and
142
enumerate the elasses of events with reference to which it
may
be used.
REM.
Compare the following statements of modern grammarians:
1.1
Since the participle, like the other non-augmented forms of the
aorist,
has nothing whatever to do with the denotation of past time, and
since
time previous to a point in past time is not the less a kind of past
time,
we do not here understand at once how the participle became used
in
this sense. But the enigma is solved when we examine the nature of
the
aorist and participle. The latter, an adjective in origin, fixes one
action
in relation to another. The action which is denoted by the finite
verb
is the principal one. When the secondary action continues side by
side
with the principal action, it must stand [paratatikw?j] in the
participle
of
the present; if, again, referred to the future, the proper sign of the
future
is needed; and similarly, the perfect participle serves to express
an
action regarded as complete in reference to the principal action. If,
however,
it is intended to denote the secondary action without any
reference
to continuousness and completion and futurity, but merely
as
a point or moment, the aorist participle alone remains for this
purpose.
We indeed, by a sort of necessity, regard a point which
is
fixed in reference to another action as prior to it, but, strictly
speaking,
this notion of priority in past time is not signified by the
aorist
participle."--Curtius,
Elucidations of the Student's Greek Gram-
mar,
pp. 216 f.
62 THE TENSES.
"An und fur sich bezeichnet das
aoristische Particip ebenso wenig als
irgend
eine andere aoristische Form ausser dem Indicativ, der in seinem
Augment
ein deutliches Merkmal der Vergangenheit hat, etwas Vergan-
genes.
Das Particip. des kurzesten und yon uns genauer betrachteten
Aorists,
dessen Stamm eben nur die Verbalgrundiorm selbst ist, ist also
nur
Particip an und fur sich, das heisst es bezeichnet eine Handlung, mit
der
noch kein Satz als abgeschlossen gedacht werden soll; im Uebrigen
liegt
sein Characteristisches fur uns nur darin, dass es als aoristisches
Particip
nicht wie das prasentische Particip auch die Bedeutung der
Dauer
in sich enthalt, sondern etwas bezeichnet, bei dell die Zeitdauer,
die
es in Anspruch genommen, nicht weiter in Frage kommen, oder das
uberhaupt
nur als ganz kurze Zeit dauernd bezeichnet werden soll."
--Leo Meyer, Griechische Aoriste, pp.
124,125.
"In satzen wie e]peidh> ei#pen, a]p^<ei; ei]pw>n
tau?ta a]p^?ei;
e]a<n ti fa<gwsin, a]nasth<sonati (Xen. An. IV. 5,
8) erschien die syntaktisch untergeordnete aoristische Handlung gegenuber dem
anderen Vorgang darum als vergarigen, weil die beiden Handlungen sachlich
verschieden waren. Das Bedeu.
tungsmoment
der ungeteilten Vollstandigkeit und Abgeschlossenheit der
Handlung
liess die Vorstellung, dass die Haupthandlung in den Verlauf
der
Nebenhandlung hineinfalle und neben ihr hergehe (Gleichzeitigkeit),
nicht
zu. Die Vorstellung der Vergangenheit in Bezug auf das Haupt-
verbum
war also nicht durch die Aoristform an sich, sondern durch die
besondere
Natur der beiden Verbalbegriffe, die zu einander in Beziehung
gesetzt
wurden, gegeben. Man erkennt diesen Sachverhalt am besten
durch
Vergleichung mit Satzen wie E 98, kai>
ba<l ] e]
decio>n w#mon, Herod. 5, 24, eu# e]poi<hsaj a]piko<menoj, Xen. An. I. 3,
17, bou-
loi<mhn d ] a}n a@kontoj a]piw>n
Ku<rou laqei?n au]to>n a]pelqw<n, Thuk. 6, 4,
e@tesi de> e]ggu<tata o]ktw>
kai> e[kato>n meta> th>n sfete<ran oi@kisin Gel&?oi ]Akra<ganta &@kisan, th>n me>n
po<lin a]po> tou? ]Akra<gontoj
potamou? o]noma<santej, oi]kista>j de> poih<santej ]Aristo<noun kai> Pusti<lon,
no<mima de> ta> Gel&<wn do<ntej, wo die Vorstellung
einer Zeitverschiedenheit darum nicht entstehen konnte, weil es sich um ein und
denselben V6rgang handelte und das Partizip oder die Partizipien nur eine,
bezjehungsweise mehrere besondere Seiten der Handlung des regierenden Verbums
zum Ausdruck brachten."
133.
The Aorist Participle
is used of an action
ceived
of as a simple event.
It may be used with reference to an
action or event in
its
entirety (indefinite), or with reference to the inception
THE AORIST PARTICIPLE. 63
of
a state (inceptive), or with reference to the accomplish-
ment
of an attempt (resultative). WheR indefinite it may
be
used of momentary or extended actions or of a series of
events.
Cf. 35, and 39, and see examples below.
134. The Aorist Participle of Antecedent
Action.
The
Aorist Participle is most frequently used of an action
antecedent
in time to the action of the principal verb.
Matt.
4:2; kai> nhsteu<saj h[me<raj
tessera<konta kai> nu<ktaj tessera<-
konta
u!steron e]
nights,
he afterward hungered.
Mark
hand he raised her up.
John
wist not who it was.
Acts
e@suron
e@cw th?j po<lewj,
and having persuaded the multitudes they
stoned
Paul, and dragged him out of the city.
Acts
27:13; do<cantej th?j proqe<sewj
kekrathke<nai a@rantej a#sson
parele<gonto
th>n Krh<thn, supposing that
they had obtained their pur-
pose,
they weighed anchor, and sailed along
Rom.
5:1; dikaiwqe<ntej ou#n e]k pi<stewj
ei]h<nhn e@xwmen pro>j to>n qeo<n,
having
therefore been J"u.\'tified by faith, let us have peace with God.
1
Cor. 1:4; eu]xaristw? t&? qe&? . . .
e]pi> t^? xa<riti tou? qeou? t^? doqei<s^
u[mi?n, I thank God. . . for the grace of God which
was given you.
we
give thanks to God. . . having heard of your faith.
2
Tim.
bring him with thee.
135. The Aorist
Participle of Antecedent Action is fre-
quently
used attributively as the equivalent of a relative
clause;
in this case it usually has the article, and its position
is
determined by the same considerations which govern the
position
of any other noun or adjective in similar construction.
See
John 5:13; 1 Cor. 1:4, above.
64
THE TENSES.
136. It is still
more frequently used adv-erbially and is
equivalent
to an adverbial clause or coordinate verb with and,.
in
this case the article does not occur, and the participle
usually
precedes the verb, but sometimes follows it. See
Rom.
5:1; and Col. 1:3, 4 (134).
137. In some
instances of the Aorist Participle of Ante-
cedent
Action, it is the inception of the action only which pre-
cedes
the action of the principal verb. And this occurs not :
only
in verbs of state (cf. 35, and see Mark 5:33; Acts 23:1),
but
also in verbs of action; which in the Indicative are not
inceptive.
Acts 27:13 (134);
138. The Aorist
Participle of Antecedent Action is by no
means
always best translated into English by the so-called
Perfect
Participle. The English Present Participle is very
frequently
placed before a verb to express an antecedent ac-
tion,
and that, too, without implying that the action is thought
of
as in progress. It is accordingly in many cases the best
translation-
of an Aorist Participle. See Mark
also
Mark
Aorist
Participle of the Greek is best reproduced in English
by
a finite verb with and. See Acts 14:19; 27:13; 2 Tim.
139. The Aorist
Participle of Identical Action. The
Aorist
Participle agreeing with the subject of a verb not
inn'equently
denotes the same action that is expressed
by
the verb. HA. 856, b; G. 1290; G .MT. 150.
Matt.
27:4; h!marton paradou>j ai$ma di<kaion, I sinned in that I betrayed
innocent
blood.
Acts
done
that thou hast come.
See also Matt.
instances of the phrase a]pokriqei>j ei#pen); Acts 27:3; 1 Cor.
Eph. 1:9; Heb. 7:27; Gen. 43:5.
THE AORIST PARTICIPLE. 65
140. The verb and
the participle of identical action, though
denoting
the same action, usually describe it from a different
point
of view. 'Respecting this difference in point of view,
see
121.
141. An Aorist
Participle of Identical Action mobt fre-
quently
accompanies an Aorist verb, both verb and participle
thus
describing the action indefinitely as a simple event. It
occurs
also with the Fnture, with which as an aoristic tense
it
is entirely appropriate (Luke
Present
and Imperfect (Mark
Perfect
(Acts
142. The Aorist
Participle used attributively as the equiva...
lent
of a relative clause sometimes refers to an action subse-
quent
to that of the principal verb, though antecedent to the
time
of the speaker. Instances occur both in classical Greek
(see
G.MT. 152; Carter and Humphreys in Cl. Rev. Feb. 1891)
and
in the New Testament.
Acts
]Iou<da tou? genome<nou o[dhgou? toi?j
sullabou?sin ]Ihsou?n, which the Holy Spirit spake before by the
mouth of David concerning Judas who be-
came
guide to them that took Jesus. See also Matt. 10:4;
John 11:2; Col. 1:8.
143. It should be
clearly observed that the participle in
these
cases does not by its tense denote either antecedence to
the
time of speaking or subsequence to that of the principal
verb.
The participle is properly timeless, and the time-rela-
tions
are learned from the context or outside sources.
144. Whether the
Aorist Participle used adverbially, as the
equivalent
of an adverbial or coordinate clause, ever refers to
an
action subsequent to that of the principal verb is more
difficult
to determine. No certain instance has been observed
in
classical Greek, though several possible ones occur. See
66 THE TENSES.
Dem.
XIX. (F.L.) 255 (423) cited by Carter, and Thuc. II.
49.
2, cited by Humphreys, in Cl. Rev.
Feb. 1891. See also
145. The New Testament furnishes one
almost indubitable
instance
of an Aorist Participle so used if we accept the best
attested
text.
Acts
25:13, ]Agri<ppaj o[ basileu>j kai>
Berni<kh kath<nthsan ei]j Kaisa-
ri<an
a]spasa<menoi to>n Fh?ston, Agrippa
the King and Bernice arrived
at
Cresarea and saluted Festus.
The
doubt concerning the text rests not on the insufficiency
of
the documentary evidence, but on the rarity of this use of
the
participle. Cf. Hort in WR II. App. p. 100. "The
authority
for –a<menoi is absolutely
overwhelming, and as a
matter
of transmission –o<menoi can only be a
correction. Yet
it
is difficult to remain satisfied that there is no prior corrup-
tion
of some kind." With this case should also be compared
Acts
which
is without the article and follows the verb, is most
naturally
interpreted as referring to an action subsequent in
thought
and fact to that of the verb which it follows, and
equivalent
to kai< with a coordinate verb. These
instances are
perhaps
due to Aramaic influence. See Ka. §
76. d; and cf.
Dan.
In Rom.
denoted
by kateno<hsen. It is in that
case an inceptive Aorist Participle
denoting
a subsequent action. Its position is doubtless due to the
emphasis
laid upon it. In Heb.
preserved
if eu[ra<menoj is thought of
as referring to an action subsequent to
that
of ei]sh?lqen. But it is
possible that ei]sh?lqen is used to
describe the
whole
highpriestly act, including both the entrance into the holy place and
the
subsequent offering of the blood, and that eu[ra<menoj is thus a
participle
of
identical action. In either case it should be translated not having
PARTICIPLE. 67
obtained as in R. V .,
but obtaining or and obtained. In Phil. 2:7 geno<menoj
is
related to labw<n as a participle of identical
action; the relation of labw<n
to
e]ke<nwsen is less certain. It may denote the same
action as e]ke<nwsen
viewed
from the opposite point of view (identical action), or may be
thought
of as an additional fact (subsequent action) to e]ke<nwsen. In
defining
e]nedunamw<qh t^? pi<stei, though dou<j is strictly subsequent to e]nedunamw<qh.
Somewhat similar is 1 Pet.
subsequent
to a]pe<qanen [or e@paqen], but is probably to be taken together with
qanatwqei<j as defining the
whole of the preceding clause Xristo>j a!pac
peri>
a[martiw?n a]pe<qanen, di<kaioj
u[pe>r a]di<kwn, i!na u[ma?j prosaga<g^ t&? qe&?.
146. The Aorist Participle used as an
integral part of the
object
of a verb of perception represents the action which it
denotes
as a simple event without defining its time. The ac-
tion
may be one which is directly perceived and hence coinci-
dent
in time with that of the principal verb, or it may be one
which
is ascertained or learned, and hence antecedent to the
action
of the principal verb. In the latter case it takes the
place
of a clause of indirect discourse having its verb in
the
Aorist Indicative.
Acts
qe<nta
au]t&? xei?raj,
and he has seen a man named Ananias come
in
and
lay hands upon him.
See also Luke 10:18; Acts 10:3; 11:3;
26:13; 2 Pet. 1:18.
Luke
to have been done.
147. The Aorist
Participle with lanqa<nw denotes the
same
time
as the principal verb. It occurs but once in the New
Testament
(Heb. 13:2), the similar construction with fqa<nw
and
tugxa<nw, not at all. HA.
856, b; G. 1290.
148. The categories
named above, Aorist Participle of An-
tecedent
Action, of Identical Action, etc., which, it must be
remembered,
represent, not diverse functions of the tense, but
only
classes of cases for which the Aorist Participle may be
68
THE TENSES.
used,
do not include absolutely all the instances. There are,
for
example, cases in which the time-relation of the action of
the
participle to that of the verb is left undefined. John
16:2,
o[ a]poktei<naj [u[ma?j] do<c^ latrei<an prosfe<rein t&? qe&?, means,
every slayer of
you will think,
etc. Whether he will have such
thought
before he shall slay, when he slays, or after he shall
have
slain, is not at all defined. Cf. Gen. 4:15.
149. Very rarely also the Aorist
Participle used adverbially
refers
to an action evidently in a general way coincident in
time
with the action of the verb, yet not identical with it.
Heb.
pollou>j
ui[o>j ei]j do<can a]gago<nta to>n a]rxhgo>n th?j swthri<aj
au]tw?n
dia> paqhma<twn teleiw?sai, for
it became him, for whom are all
things,
and through whom are all things, in bringing many sons unto glory,
to
make the author of their salvation perfect through sufferings. The
participle ayayovra is neither
antecedent nor subsequent to teleiw?-
sai, nor yet
strictly identical with it. Nearly the same thought
might be expressed in English by when he brought or in bringing,
and in Greek by o!te h@gagen or e]n
t&? a]gagei?n
(cf. 109).
The
choice of the Aorist Participle rather than the Present
in
such cases is due to the fact that the action is thought of,
not
as in progress, but as a simple event or fact. Concerning
a
similar use of the Aorist Participle in Homer, see Leo Meyer,
Griechische
Aoriste, p. 125; T. D. Seymour in T.A.P.A., 1881,
pp.
89, 94. The rarity of these instances is due not to any
abnormality
in such a use of the tense, but to the fact that
an
action, temporally coincident with another and subordinate
to
it (and not simply the same action viewed from a different
point
of view), is naturally thought of as in progress, and
hence
is expressed by a Present Participle. Cf. exx. under 119.
150. As an aid to
interpretation it may be observed that the Aorist
Participle
with the article may sometimes be used instead of a relative
THE AORIST PARTICIPLE. 69
clause
with the Aorist Indicative, sometimes instead of such a clause with
the
verb in the Aorist Subjunctive.1 But it should not be supposed that
from
the point of view of the Greek language these were two distinct
functions
of the Aorist Participle. The phrase o{j
e@labe
referred in Greek
to
past time, o
in
the mind of a Greek o[ labw<n was the precise
equivalent of both of
these,
standing alternately for the one or the other, so that when he wrote
o[ labw<n he sometimes
thought o
doubtless
rather that the Aorist Participle was always, strictly speaking,
timeless,
and that o[ labw<n meant simply
the receiver, the act of receiving
being
thought of as a simple fact without reference to progress. Thus for
o[ labw<n in Matt. 25:16 o{j e@labe might have stood, and it may be trans-
lated,
he that received; while for o[ o]mo<saj in Matt.
might
have stood, and it may be trauslated, whoever sweareth; and for
o[ u[pomei<naj in Matt. 24:13 o
be
translated, whoever shall endure. Cf. Luke 12:8-10. But these
differences
are due not to a difference in the force of the tense in the
three
cases. In each case a translation by a timeless verbal noun-
receiver,
swearer, endurer--would
correctly (though from the point
of
view of English rather awkwardly) represent the thought of the
Greek.
As respects the time-relation of the action of the participle
to
that of the principal verb o[ labw<n and o[ u[pomei<naj are participles
of
antecedent action, o[ o]mo<saj is a participle
of identical action. But
these
distinctions, again, as stated above, are made, not to mark different
functions
of the Greek tense, but to aid in a fuller interpretation of the
facts
of the case.
151. Some scholars
have endeavored to explain all participles with
the
article as equivalent to the relative pronoun with the corresponding
tense
of the Indicative. It is true that such participial phrases may often
be
resolved in this way and the sense essentially preserved. But that
this
is not a general principle will be evident from a comparison of the
fuuction
of the tense in the Indicative and in the participle.
(a) All the tenses of the Indicative
express time-relations from the
Ii
point of view, not of the principal verb, but of the speaker. This principle
holds
in a relative clause as well. as in a principal sentence. An Aorist
verb
standing in a relative clause may indeed refer to an action antece-
dent
to the time of the principal verb, but this antecedence is not expressed
by
the tense of the verb. All that the Aorist tense does in respect to
1 W. G. Ballantine, Attributive Aorist Participles
in Protasis, in Bio.
Sac. Apr. 1889.
70
THE TENSES.
time
is to place the action in past time; its relation in that past time to
the
action of the principal verb must be learned from some other source.
The
corresponding thing is true of the Present tense, which in a relative
clause
denotes time not contemporaneous with the action of the principal
verb,
but present from the point of view of the speaker. See, e.g., Matt.
11:4;
(b) The participle, on the other hand,
is in itself timeless, and gains
whatever
suggestion of time-relation it conveys from its relation to the
rest
of the sentence. It is not affirmed that the Aorist Participle denotes
time
relative to that of the principal verb, but that its time-relations are
not
independent, like those of the fudicative, but dependent.
It
is thus apparent that the whole attitude, so to speak, of the parti-
ciple
toward time-relations is different from that of the Indicative, and no
formula
of equivalence between them can be constructed. A timeless
noun or
adjective cannot by any fixed rule be translated into a time-
expressing verb.
Somewhat less of error is introduced if
the rule is made to read that
the
participle may be trauslated into English by a relative clause using
that
tense of the English fudicative which corresponds to the tense
of
the Greek participle. Relative clauses in English frequently use the
tenses
apparently to denote time relative to that of the principal verb.
Thus
in the sentence, When I am in
present
tense, am, really denotes time future with reference to the speaker,
time
present relative to that of the principal verb. SiIililarly in the
sentence,
They that have done good shall come forth
to the resurrection of
life --have done is past, not with reference to
the time of speaking, but
to
that of the principal verb. But such uses of tenses in English are
merely
permissible, not uniform. Shall have done
would be more exact
in
the last sentence. Moreover, the rule as thus stated is false in principle,
and
not uniformly applicable in fact. It would require, e.g., that a
Present
Participle, standing in connection with an Aorist verb, should be
rendered
by an English Present, instead of by an English Past as it .
should
usually be. See John 2:16; Acts 10:35.
THE FUTURE PARTICIPLE.
152. The Future Participle represents an
action as
future
from the point of view of the principal verb. HA.
856;
G. 1288.
THE PERFECT PARTICIPLE. 71
Acts.
24:11; ou] plei<ouj ei]si<n moi
h[me<rai dw<deka a]f ] h$j a]ne<bhn prosku-
nh<swn
ei]j ]Ierousalh<m, it is not more than twelve days since I went
up
to worship at
1
Cor.
body
that shall be.
REM. The Future Participle is of later
origin than the participles of
the
other tenses, and is a clearly marked exception to the general time-
lessness
of the participle. While its function was probably not primarily
temporal,
the relations which it expressed necessarily suggested subse-
quence
to the action of the principal verb, and hence gave to the tense a
temporal
force.
153. The Present
Participle me<llwn followed by an
Infini-
tive
of another verb is used as a periphrasis for a Future
Participle
of the latter verb, but with a somewhat different
range
of use. To express that which is to take place, either
form
may be used. But me<llwn is not used to
express the
purpose
of an action, and is used, as the Future Participle is
not,
to express intention without designating the intended
action
as the purpose of another act. See John 12:4 (cf. John
6:64);
Acts
THE PERFECT
PARTIOIPLE.
154. The Perfect
Participle is used of completed ac-
tion.
Like the Perfect Indicative it may have reference
to
the past action and the resulting state or only to the
resulting
state. The time of the resulting state is usually
that
of the principal verb. HA. 856; G.1288.
Acts
the
men who had been sent. . . stood before the gate.
Rom.
Luke
had gone forth from me.
72
THE TENSES.
155. The Perfect
Participle stands in two passages of the New Testa-
ment
as the predicate of the participle tJv. The effect is of a Perfect
Participle
clearly marked as one of existing state. See Eph. 4:18;
Col.
1:21.
156. The Perfect
Participle is occasionally used as a Plu-
perfect
to denote a state existing antecedent to the time of the
principal
verb. The action of which it is the result is, of
course,
still earlier.
John
11:44; e]ch?lqen
o[ teqnhkw>j dedeme<noj tou>j po<daj kai> ta>j xei?raj
keiri<aij, he that was [or had been] dead came forth
bound hand and
foot
with grave-clothes.
See also Mark
Present Participle in the same verse and
the Aorist Participle
in v. 18; also 1 Cor. 2:7, a]pokekrumme<nhn, comparing v. 10.
THE MOODS.
MOODS IN PRINCIPAL CLAUSES.
THE INDICATIVE MOOD.
157. The Indicative
is primarily the mood of the un-
qualified
assertion or simple question of fact. HA.
865;
G.1317.
John
1:1; e]n a]rx^? h#n o[ lo<goj, in the beginning was the Word.
Mark
4:7; kai> karpo>n ou]k e@dwken, and it yielded no fruit.
Matt.
2:2; pou? e]sti>n o[ texqei>j
basileu>j tw?n ]Ioudai<wn, where is he
that
is born King of the Jews?
John
158. The Indicative
has substantially the same assertive
force
in many principal clauses containing qualified assertions.
The
action is conceived of as a fact, though the assertion of
the
fact is qualified.
John
13:8; e]a>n
mh> ni<yw se, ou]k e@xeij me<roj met ] e]mou?, if I wash thee not,
thou
hast no part with me.
159. (a) When qualified by particles
such as a@n, ei@qe, etc.,
the
Indicative expresses various shades of desirability, improb-
ability,
etc. Respecting these secondary uses of the Indicative
in
principal clauses, see 26, 27, 248.
(b) Respecting the uses of the Future
Indicative in other
than
a purely assertive sense, see 67, 69, 70.
73
74
THE MOODS.
(c) Respecting the uses of the
Indicative in subordinate
clauses,
see 185-360, passim.
REM. The uses of the Indicative
described in 157 and 158 are substan-
tially
the same in English and in Greek and occasion no special difficulty
to
the English interpreter of Greek. The uses referred to in 159 exhibit
more
difference between Greek and English, and each pal'ticular usage
requires
separate consideration.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE
MOOD.
The uses of the Subjunctive in principal
clauses are as
follows:
160.
The Hortatory Subjunctive. The Subjunctive
is
used in the first person plural in exhortations, the
speaker
thus exhorting others to join him in the doing of
an
action. HA. 866, 1; G. 1344; B. p. 209; WM. p. 355;
G.MT. 255, 256.
Heb.
12:1; di
] u[pomonh?j tre<xwmen to>n prokei<menon h[mi?n a]gw?na, let us
run with patience the race that is set
before us.
1
John 4:7; a]gaphtoi<, a]gapw?men a]llh<louj, beloved, let
us love one
another.
161. Occasionally the first person singular
is used with
a@fej or deu?ro
prefixed, the exhortation in that case becoming a
request
of the speaker to the person addressed to permit him
to
do something.
Matt.
7:4; a@fej e]kba<lw to> ka<rfoj e]k
tou? o]fqalmou? sou,
let me cast
out the mote out of thine eye. See
also Luke 6:42; Acts 7:34.
The sense of a@fej
in Matt. 27:49 and of a@fete in Mark 15:36 is doubt-
ful
(see R.V. ad loc. and Th., a]fi<hmi, 2, E.).
In Matt.
son
plural without affecting the meaning of the Subjunctive.
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 75
In
none of these cases is a conjunction to be supplied before the Sub-
junctive. Cf. the use of a@ge, fe<re, etc., in classical Greek. G.MT. 257;
B. p. 210; WM. p. 356.
162.
The Prohibitory Subjunctive. The Aorist Sub-
junctive
is used in the second person with mh< to express a
prohibition
or a negative entreaty. H.A. 866, 2; G. 1346;
G.MT. 259.
Matt.
for the morrow.
Heb.
3:8; mh> sklhru<nhte ta>j
kardi<aj u[mw?n,
harden not your hearts.
Matt.
6:13; kai> mh> ei]sene<gk^j h[ma?j
ei]j,
and bring us not into
temptation.
163. Prohibitions
are expressed either by the Aorist Sub-
junctive
or by the Present Imperative, the only exceptions
being
a few instances of the third person Aorist Imperative
with
mh<.
The difference between an Aorist Subjunctive with
mh< and a Present Imperative with mh< is in the conception of
the
action as respects its progress. H.A.
874. Thus
164. (a) The Aorist
Subjunctive forbids the action as a
simple
event with reference to the action as a whole or to its
inception,
and is most frequently used when the action has
not
been begun.
Acts
18:9; la<lei kai> mh> siwph<s^j, speak and hold not thy peace.
Rev.
7:3; mh> a]dikh<shte th>n gh?n, hurt not the earth.
165. (b) The Present Imperative
(180-184) forbids the
continuance
of the action, most frequently when it is already
in
progress; in this case, it is a demand to desist from the
action.
Mark
John
76
THE MOODS.
When the action is not yet begun, it
enjoins continued
abstinence
from it.
Mark
e]kei?,
mh> pisteu<ete,
and then if any man shall say unto you,
Lo, here
is
the Christ; or, Lo, there; believe it not. Cf. Matt. 24 : 23.
166. The
Prohibitory Subjunctive occurs rarely in the third
person.
1 Cor. 16:11; 2 Thess. 2:3.
167. The strong
negative, ou] mh<, occurs rarely
in prohibi-
tions
with the Aorist Subjunctive.
Matt.
to
be understood as prohibitory (as in the Hebrew of the passage in Isa.),
rather
than emphatically predictive, as in R. V. Cf. Gen. 3:1, ou] mh> fa<ghte
which
is clearly prohibitory. G.MT. 297.
Cf. 162.
In Matt. 21 : 19, on the other hand, the
emphatic predictive sense, there
shall be no
fruit from thee henceforward forever, is more probable, being
more
consistent with general usage and entirely appropriate to the con-
text.
The imperative rendering of the R.V. makes the passage doubly
exceptional,
the Imperative Subjunctive being rare in the third person,
and
ou] mh< being unusual in prohibitions.
168. The
Deliberative Subjunctive. The Subjunctive
is
used in deliberative questions and in rhetorical questions
having
reference to the future. HA. 866, 3; G. 1358.
Luke
Luke
11:5; ti<j e]c u[mw?n e!cei fi<lon . .
. kai> ei@p^ au]t&?, which of you
shall have a friend. . . and shall say
to him?
169. Questions may
be classified as questions of fact and
questions
of deliberation. In the question of fact the speaker
asks
what is (or was or will be). In the question of delibera-
tion,
the speaker asks what he is to do, or what is to be done;
it
concerns not fact but possibility, desirability, or necessity.
But
questions may be classified also as interrogative or real
questions,
and rhetorical questions. The former makes a real
THE SUBJUNCTIVE. 77
inquiry
(for information or advice) ; the latter is a rhetorical
substitute
for an assertion, often equivalent to a negative
answer
to itself, or, if the question is negative, to a positive
answer.
Since both questions of fact and
questions of deliberation
may
be either interrogative or rhetorical, it results that there
are
four classes of questions that require to be distinguished
for
purposes of interpretation.
(a)
The interrogative question of fact.
Matt.
who
do men say that the Son of man is? See also Mark 16:3;
John
7:45; Acts 17:18.
(b) The
rhetorical question of fact.
1
Cor. 9:1; ou]k ei]mi> a]po<stoloj, am I not an
apostle'
Luke
for
if they do these things in a green tree, what will be done in the dry?
See also Luke 11: 5;
(c)
The interrogative deliberative question.
Mark
also Matt.
(d)
The rhetorical deliberative question.
Rom.
pisteu<swsin
ou$ ou]k h@kousan;
. . . pw?j de> khru<cwsin e]a>n
mh>
a]postalw?sin, how then shall they call on him in whom they
have not believed? how shall they believe in him whom they have not heard? . . .
how shall they preach except they be sent? See also Matt. 26:54; Luke
Interrogative questions of fact, and
rhetorical questions of
fact
having reference to the present or past, employ the tenses
and
moods as they are used in simple declarative sentences.
Rhetorical
questions of fact having reference to the future,
and
all deliberative questions, use either the Subjunctive or
the
Future Indicative.
78
THE MOODS.
170. The verb of a
deliberative question is most frequently
in
the first person; but occasionally in the second or third.
Matt.
may
be of any person.
171. The Deliberative Subjunctive is
sometimes preceded
by
qe<leij, qe<lete, or bou<lesqe. No conjunction is to be supplied
in
these cases. The verb qe<lein is sometimes
followed by a
clause
introduced by i!na, but i!na never occurs
when the verb
qe<lein is in the
second person, and the following verb in the
first
person, i.e. when the relations of the verbs are such as to
make
a Deliberative Subjunctive probable.
Luke
22:9; pou? qe<leij e[toima<swmen, where wilt
thou that we make ready?
See also Matt. 26:17; 27:17, 21; Mark
10:36, 51; 14:12; 15:9;
Luke 9:54; 18:41; 1 Cor. 4:21 (N.B.),
and cf. (i!na) Matt. 7:12;
Mark 6:25; Luke 6:31; 1 Cor. 14:5.
172. The Subjunctive in Negative Assertions.
The
AOlist
Subjunctive is used with ou] mh< in the sense of
an
emphatic
Future Indicative. HA. 1032; G. 1360.
Heb
13:5; ou]
mh< se a]nw? ou]d ] ou] mh< se e]gkatali<pw, I will
in no wise
fail
thee, neither will I in any wise forsake thee. See also Matt. 5:18;
Mark 13:30; Luke 9:27, et freq. Cf. Gild. in .A.J.P. III. 202 f.
REM. In Luke 18:7 and Rev. 15:4 the
Subjunctive with ou] mh< is used
in
a rhetorical question. The Subjunctive may be explained as occasioned
by
the emphatic negative or by the rhetorical nature of the question.
173. This
emphatically predictive Subjunctive is of frequent occurrence
in
Hellenistic Greek. The Present Subjunctive is sometimes used with
ou] mh< in classical
Greek, but no instance occurs in the New Testament.
Concerning
the rare use of the Future with ou]
mh<
see 66; cf. Gild. u.s.
THE OPTATIVE. 79
THE OPTATIVE MOOD.
174. The Optative
Mood is much less frequent in the New
Testament,
and in Hellenistic writers generally, than in clas-
sical
Greek. Cf. Harmon, The Optative Mood
in Hellenistic
Greek,
in J.B.L. Dec. 1886. .
It is mainly confined to four uses, two
of which are in prin-
cipal
clauses.
175. The Optative of Wishing. The Optative is used
without
a@n
to express a wish. HA. 870; G. 1507.
1
Pet. 1:2; xa<rij u[mi?n kai> ei]rh<nh plhqunqei<h, grace to you and peace
be multiplied.
2
Thess. 3:16; au]to>j de> o[ ku<rioj th?j
ei]rh<nhj d&<h u[mi?n th>n ei]h<nhn,
now
the Lord of peace himself give you peace.
176. The Optative
of Wishing occurs thirty-five times in the New
Testament:
Mark 11:14; Luke 1:38; 20:16 ; Acts 8:20; Rom. 3:4;
3:6;
3:31; 6:2, 15; 7:7, 13; 9:14; 11:1, 11; 15:5, 13; 1 Cor.6:15;
Gal.
2:17; 3:21; 6:14; 1 Thess. 3:11, 12; 5:23; 2 Thess. 2:17; 3:5,
16;
2 Tim. 1:16, 18; Philem. 20; Heb. 13:21; 1 Pet. 1:2; 2 Pet. 1:2;
always,
except Philem. 20, in the third person singular. It most frequently
expresseS
a prayer. Mark 11 : 14 and Acts 8: 20 are peculiar in being im-
precations
of evil.
177. The phrase mh> ge<noito is an Optative of Wishing which
strongly
deprecates
something suggested by a previous question or assertion.
Fourteen
of the fifteen New Testament instances are in Paul's writings,
and
in twelve of these it expresses the apostle's abhorrence of an inference
which
he fears may be (falsely) drawn from his argument. Cf. Mey.
on
Rom. 3:4, and Ltft. on Gal. 2: 17. On
Gal. 6: 14 cf. 1 Macc. 9: 10.
178. The Potential
Optative. The Optative with a@n
is
used to express what would happen on the fulfilment of
some
supposed condition. It is thus an apodosis correla-
80
THE MOODS.
tive
to a protasis expressed or implied. It is usually to be
translated
by the English Potential. HA. 872; G. 1327 ff.
Acts
8:31; pw?j ga>r a}n dunai<mhn e]a>n
mh< tij o[dhgh<sei me, how should I
be
able unless some one shall guide me?
Acts
17:18; ti< a}n qe<loi o[ spermolo<goj
ou$toj le<gein,
what would this
babbler
wish to say?
179. The Optative with ~p occurs in the
New Testament only in Luke's
writings:
Luke *1:62; *6:11; *9:46; [*15:26; 18:36] ; Acts *5:24;
†8:
31; *10:17; †17:18; [26:29]. Of these instan~es the six marked
with
* are in indirect questions; the two marked with t are in direct
questions;
those in brackets are of doubtful text; others still more
doubtful
might be added. In only one instance (Acts 8:31) is the con-
dition
expressed.
THE IMPERATIVE
MOOD.
180. The Imperative
Mood is used in commands and
exhortations.
HA. 873; G. 1342.
Matt.
5:42; t&? ai]tou?nti< se do<j, give to him
that asketh thee.
1
Thess. 5:19; to> pneu?ma mh> sbe<nnute, quench not the
spirit.
REM. Respecting other methods of
expressing a command, see 67,
160-167,364.
181. THE IMPERATIVE
MOOD is also used in entreaties and
petitions.
Mark
9:22; a]ll ] ei@ ti du<n^ boh<qhson
h[mi?n splagxnisqei>j e]f ] h[ma?j,
but
if thou canst do anything, have compassion on us and help us.
Luke
17:5; kai>
ei#pan oi[ a]po<stoloi t&? kuri<& Pro<sqej h[mi?n pi<stin,
and
the apostles said to the Lord, Increase our faith.
John
17:11; pa<ter
a!gie, th<rhson au]tou>j e]n t&? o]no<mati< sou, holy
Father,
keep them in thy name.
182. THE IMPERATIVE
MOOD is also used to express con-
sent,
or merely to propose an hypothesis.
FINITE MOODS IN SUBORDINATE CLAUSES. 81
Matt.
8:31, 32; oi[ de> dai<monej pareka<loun
au]to<n le<gontej Ei] e]kba<l-
leij
h[ma?j, a]po<steilon h[ma?j ei]j th>n a]ge<lhn tw?n xoi<rwn.
kai> ei#pen au]toi?j [Upa<gete, and the demons besought him saying, If thou
cast
us
out, send us away into the herd of swine. A nd he said unto
them,
Go.
John
2:19; a]pekri<qh ]Ihsou?j kai> ei#pen au]toi?j Lu<sate to>n nao>n tou?ton
kai> [ e]n ] trisi>n h[me<raij e]gerw? au]to<n, Jesus answered and said unto
them, Destroy this temple, and in
three days I will raise it up.
1
Cor. 7:36; kai> (ei]) ou!twj o]fei<lei
gi<nesqai, o[ qe<lei poiei<tw: ou]x
a[marta<nei:
gamei<twsan,
and if need so require, let him do what
he
will;
he sinneth not; let them marry.
183. An Imperative
suggesting a hypothesis mayor may
not
retain its imperative or hortatory force.
Luke
6:37; mh> kri<nete, kai> ou] mh>
kriqh?te,
judge not, and ye shall not
be judged. Cf. John 2:
19, above.
184. Any ,tense of
the Imperative may be used in positive
com
mands, the distinction of force being that of the tenses of
the
dependent moods in general. Cf. 95 ff. In prohibitions,
on
the other hand, the use of the Imperative is confined almost
entirely
to the Present tense. A few instances only of the
Aorist
occur. Cf. 163.
FINITE MOODS IN SUBORDINATE CLAUSES.
185. Many
subordinate clauses employ the moods and
tenses
with the same force that they have in principal
clauses.
Others, however, give to the mood or tense a force
different
.from that which they usually have in principal
clauses.
Hence arises the necessity for special treatment of
the
moods and tenses in subordinate clauses. Principal clauses
also
require discussion in so far as their mood or tense affects
or
is affected by the subordinate clauses which limit them.
82 THE MOODS.
186. Clauses considered as elements of
the sentence may be classified il i
as
follows:
I. SUBSTANTIVE.
(1) As subject or predicate nominative
(211-214, 357-360).
(2) As object in indirect discourse
(334-356).
(3) As ob~ect after verbs of e~°.ning,
etc. (200-204).
(4) As obJect after verbs of strIVIng,
etc; (205-210).
(5) As object after verbs of fear and
danger (224-227).
II. ADJECTIVE.
(1) Appositive (211, 213).
(2) Relative (289-333, in part).
(3) Definitive (215, 216, in part).
III. ADVERBIAL, denoting
(1) Time (289-316, in part; 321-333).
(2) Place (289-316, in part).
(3) Condition (238-277, 296-315).
(4) Concession (278-288).
(5) Cause (228-233, 294).
(6) Purpose ([188-196], 197-199, 317).
(7) Indirect object, etc. (215, 217, in
part; 318, 319).
(8) Result (218, 219, 234-237).
(9) Manner (217, 289-316, in part).
(10) Comparison, expressing equality or
inequality (289-316,
in part).
REM. Conditional relative clauses introduced
by relative pronouns,
and
relative clauses denoting cause and purpose introduced in the same
way,
partake at the same time of the nature of adjective and of adverbial
clauses.
187. The arrangement of the matter in the
following sections (188-
347)
is not based upon a logical classification of clauses, such as is indi-
cated
in the preceding section, but in part on genetic relationships, and
In
part on consIderations of practIcal converuence. The followmg 18 the
general
order of treatment:
Moods in clauses introduced by final
particles. . . . . . . 188-227.
Moods in clauses of cause . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 228-233.
Moods in clauses of result. . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 234-237.
CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY FINAL PARTICLES. 83
Moods in conditional sentences. . . . .
. . . . . . . . 238-277.
Moods in concessive sentences . . . . . .
. . . . . . . 278-288.
Moods in relative clauses. . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . 289-333.
Definite
relative clauses . . . . . . . . . . . . . 292-295.
Conditional
relative clauses . . . . . . . . . . 296-316.
Relative clauses
expressing purpose. . . . 317-320.
RelatIve clauses
mtroduced by e!wj, etc. 321-333.
Indirect Discourse. . . . . . . . . . .
. . . . . . . . . . . . . 334-356.
Construction after kai> e]ge<neto, etc. . . . . . . . . . 357-360.
MOODS IN CLAUSES
INTRODUCED BY PINAL PARTICLES.
188.
CLASSIFICATION. Under the general head of clauses
introduced
by final particles are included in New Testament
Greek:
(1) Pure final clauses.
(2) Object clauses after verbs of
exhorting, etc.
(3) Object clauses after verbs of
striving, etc.
(4) Object clauses after verbs
of/earing.
(5) Subject, predicate, and appositive
clauses.
(6) Complementary and epexegetic
clauses.
(7) Clauses of conceived result.
189. General Usage.
The relations expressed by the
clauses
enumerated in 188 are in classical Greek expressed
in
various ways, but, in the New Testament, these differ-
ences
have, by a process of assimilation, to a considerable
extent
disappeared. Clauses modeled after final clauses
take
the place of Infinitives in various relations; the Opta-
tive
disappears from this class of clauses; the distinction be-
tween
the Subjunctive and the Future Indicative is par-
tially
ignored. It results that the seven classes of clauses
named
above conform in general to one rule, viz.:
84
THE
MOODS.
Clauses introduced by a final particle
usually employ the
Subjunctive
after both primary and secondary tenses, less
frequently
the Future Indicative.
REM. Concerning the Present Indicative
after i!na, see 198, Rem.
190.
Final Particles. The New Testament employs as
final
particles i!na, o!pwj, and mh<.
REM. The usage of the final particles in
classical Greek is elaborately
discussed
by Weber in Schanz, Beitrage zur historischen Syntax der
griechischen
Sprache, Hefte IV., V., and by Gild.
(on the basis of Weber's
work)
in A.J.P. IV. 416 ff., VI. 53 if.
191. NEW TESTAMENT
USE OF i!na. !Ina occurs very fre-
quently
in the New Testament, and with a greater variety of
usage
than in classical Greek. Not only does it assume in
part
the functions which in classical Greek belonged to the
other
final particles, but clauses introduced by it encroach
largely
upon the function of the Infinitive. This extension
of
the use of lva is one of the notable characteristics of the
Greek
of the New Testament and of all later Greek. !Ina oc-
curs
in the New Testament in
(1) Pure final clauses.
(2) Object clauses after verbs of
erehorting, etc.
(3) Object clauses after verbs of
striving, etc.
(4) Subject, predicate, and appositive
clauses.
(5) Complementary and epexegetic
clauses.
(6) Clauses of conceived result.
Of these clauses, the first class is the
only one that regularly
employs
i!na
in classical Greek. Cf. G.MT. 311.
192. NEW TESTAMENT
USE OF o!pwj. !Opwj occurs in the
New
Testament, as in classical Greek, in
CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY FINAL PARTICLES. 85
(1) Pure final clauses.
(2) Object clauses after verbs of
exho,rting, etc.
(3) Object clauses after verbs of
striving, etc. Cf. G.MT.
313.
193. NEW TESTAMENT USE OF mh<. Mh< is used in the
New
Testament,
as in classical Greek, in
(1) Pure final clauses.
(2) Object clauses after verbs of
striving, etc.
(3) Object clauses after verbs of
fear'ing. Cf. G.MT.
807-310,339,
352.
194. [Wj, which occurs
as a final particle in classical prose,
appears
in a final clause in the New Testament in only one
passage
and that of doubtful text, Acts 20:24. @Ofra, which
was
used as a final particle in epic and lyric poetry, does not
occur
in the New Testament. Cf. G.MT. 312, 314.
195. In classical
Greek, final clauses and object clauses after verbs
of
striving, etc., frequently have o!pwj a@n
or w[j a@n. G.MT. 328; Meist.
p.
212. According to Gild. a@n
gives to the clause, except in the formal
language
of inscriptions, a relative or conditional force, o!pwj a@n being
equivalent
to h@n pwj. A.J.P. IV. pp. 422, 425; VI. pp. 53-73; L. and S.
o!pwj. In the New Testament o!pwj a@n occurs four times (o!pwj alone forty-
nine
times), always in a final clause proper. In Luke 2: 35; Acts 3:19
15:17
the contingent color may perhaps be detected; but in Rom. 3:4,
quoted
from the Sfiptuagint, it is impossible to discover it.
196. !Opwj after verbs of fearing, which is found
occasionally in
classical
Greek, does not occur in the New Testament.
197. Pure Final
Clauses. A pure final clause is one
whose
office is to express the purpose of the action stated
in
the predicate which it limits.
In classical Greek, final clauses take
the Subjunctive
86
THE MOODS.
after
primary tenses; after secondary tenses either the
Optative
or the Subjunctive. HA. 881; G.1365.
In the New Testament, th~ Optative does
not occur.
The
Subjunctive is regularly used after primary and sec-
ondary
tenses alike.
Matt.
7:1; mh< kri<nete, i!na mh>
kriqh?te,
judge not, that ye be not judged.
Rom.
1:11; e]pipoqw? ga>r i]dei?n u[ma?j, i!na
ti metadw? xa<risma u[mi?n pneu-
matiko<n, for I
long to see you, that I may impart unto you some spiritual
gift.
Rom.
9:17; ei]j
au[to> tou?to e]ch<geira< se o!pwj e]ndei<cwmai e]n soi> th>n
du<nami<n
mou,
for this very purpose did I raise thee up
that I might
show
in thee my power.
Acts
28:27; kai>
tou>j o]fqalmou>j au]tw?n e]kka<mmusan: mh< pote i@dwsin
toi?j
o]fqalmoi?j,
and their eyes they have closed; lest
haply they should
perceive
with their eyes.
198. Pure final
clauses occasionally take the Future Indica-
tive
in the New Testament as in classical Greek. HA.
881, c;
G.1366; B. pp. 234 f.; WM. pp. 360f.; WT. pp.
289f.
Luke
20:10; a]pe<steilen pro>j tou>j
gewrgou>j dou?lon, i!na . . . dw<sousin,
he sent to the husbandmen a servant,
that they might give. See also 199.
REM. Some MSS. give a Present Indicative
after tlla in John 5:20;
Gal.
6:12; Tit. 2:4; Rev. 12:6; 13:17. In 1 John 5:20 ginw<skomen is
probably
pregnant in force, "that we may know, and whereby we do
know."
Zhlou?te in Gal. 4: 17, and fusiou?sqe in 1 Cor. 4:6
are regarded
by
Hort (WH. II. App. p. 167), Schmiedel (WS. p. 52), and Blass
(Grammatik,
p. 207), as Subjunctives.. On John 17:3 see 213, Rem.
199. The Future
Indicative occurs in pure final clauses in classical
Greek
chiefly after o!pwj, rarely after mh<, w[j, and o@fra, never after i!na.
G.MT. 324; Weber, u.s.; Gild. u.s. The New Testament instances are
chiefly
after i!na; a few instances occur after mh<
(mh<pote) and one after o!pwj.
The
manuscripts show not a few variations between Subjunctive and Future
Indicative,
and both forms are sometimes found together, after the same
conjunction.
The following passages contain the Future, or both Future
and
Subjunctive: Matt. 7:6; 13:15; Mark 14:2; Luke 14:10; 20:10;
John
7:3; 17:2 ; Acts 21:24; 28:27 ; Rom. 3:4; Gal. 2:4; 1 Pet. 3:1.
CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY FINAL PARTICLES. 87
200. Object Clauses
after Verbs of Exhorting, etc.
In
classical Greek, verbs of exhorting, commanding, entreat-
ing,
and persuading are sometimes followed by an object
clause
instead of the more usual Infinitive. Such a clause
usually
employs o!pwj and the Future Indicative,
sometimes
the
Subjunctive. G. 1373; G.MT.355;
In the New Testament, object clauses
after such verbs"
are
frequent; they use both i!na and o!pwj; and employ
the
Subjunctive to the exclusion of the Future Indicative.
Mark
5:18; pareka<lei
au]to>n o[ daimonisqei>j i!na met ] autou? ^# he
who
had
been possessed with a demon besought him that he might be with him.
Luke
10:2; deh<qhte
ou#n tou? kuri<ou tou? qerismou? o!pwj e]rga<taj e]kba<l^
ei]j
to>n qerismo>n au]tou?, pray ye
therefore the Lord of the harvest that
he
send forth laborers into his harvest. See also Matt. 4:3; 14:36;
16:20; Acts 23:15; 1 Cor. 1:10; 2 Cor.
8:6; Mark 13:18
(cf. Matt. 24 :20); Luke 22: 46 (cf. v.
40).
REM. In Eph. 1:17 dw<^ (Subjunctive) should be read rather than d&<h
(Optative).
Cf. 225, Rem. 2.
201. The use of i!na, in an object
clause after a verb of exhorting is
almost
unknown in classical Greek. G.MT.
357. In the New Testament
fila,
occurs much more frequently than o!pwj in such clauses.
202. The regular
construction in classical Greek after verbs
of
exhorting, etc., is the Infinitive. This is also in the New
Testament
the most frequent construction, occurring nearly
twice
as often as the i!na
and o!pwj clauses. Keleu<w and the
compounds
of ta<ssw take only the Infinitive. ]Ente<llomai
employs
both constructions.
203. Under the head
of verbs of exhorting, etc., is to be in-
cluded
the verb qe<lw when used with reference to a
command
or
request addressed to another. It is frequently followed by
an
object clause introduced by i!na. Here also
belongs the verb
88
THE MOODS.
ei#pon, used in the sense of command; also such phrases as
ka<mptw ta> go<nata (Eph. 3: 14),
and mnei<an poiou?mai e]pi> tw?n
proseuxw?n (Eph. 1:16;
Philem. 4; cf. Col. 4:12), which are
paraphrases
for proseu<xomai.
204. In many cases
a clause or Infinitive after a verb of commanding
or
entreating may be regarded as a
command indirectly quoted. It is
then
a species of indirect discourse, though not usually included under
that
head. Cf. 337, and G.MT. 684. Matt.
16:20; Mark 9:9; 13:34.
205. Object Clauses
after Verbs of Striving, etc. In
classical
Greek, verbs signifying to strive for, to
take care,
to plan, to
effect,
are followed by o!pwj with the Future
Indicative,
less frequently the Subjunctive, after both pri-
mary
and secondary tenses. HA. 885; G.1372.
In the New Testament, the Subjunctive
occurs more
frequently
than the Future Indicative, and £Ilia more fre-
quently
than o!pwj.
John
12:10; e]bouleu<santo de> oi[
a]rxierei?j i!na kai> to>n La<zaron
ktei<nwsin, but the chief priests took counsel to put
Lazarus also to death.
Rev.
3:9; i]dou> poih<sw au]tou>j i!na
h!cousin kai> proskunh<sousin e]nw<pion
tw?n
podw?n sou, kai> gnw?sin o!ti e]gw>
h]ga<phsa< se, behold, I will
make them to come and worship before thy feet, and to know that I have
loved
thee.
See also 1 Cor. 16:10; Col. 4:16, 17; Rev. 13:12, 16.
206. When the
object clause after a verb meaning to
care
for, to take
heed,
is negative, classical Greek sometimes uses
mh< (instead of o!pwj mh<) with the Subjunctive, "or less fre-
quently
with the Future Indicative. G. 1375; G.MT. 354.
This
is the common New Testament usage. See Matt. 24:4;
Acts
13:40; 1 Cor. 8:9; 10:12; Gal. 6:1; Col. 2:8; 1 Thess.
5:15;
Heb. 3:12.
!Opwj mh< with the Future in classical
Greek, and i!na mh< with
the
Subjunctive in New Testament Greek, also occur. John
11:37;
2 John 8.
CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY FINAL PARTICLES 89
207. !Opwj occurs in the New Testament in such
clauses (205) only
in
Matt. 12:14; 22:15; Mark 3:6, and in all these cases after a phrase
meaning
to plan. The clause thus closely approximates an indirect de-
liberative
question. Cf. Mark 11:18. See Th. o!pwj, II. 2.
208. The Optative sometimes occurs in
classical Greek after a
secondary
tense of verbs of striving, etc., but is not found in the New
Testament.
209. It is sometimes difficult to say
with certainty whether fJ.'6 with
the
Subjunctive after o!ra or o[ra?te is an objective
clause or an independent
Prohibitory
Subjunctive. In classical Greek the dependent constmction
was
already fully developed (cf. G.MT.
354, 307); and though in the
New
Testament lJplt is sometimes prefixed to the Imperative (Matt. 9:30;
24:6),
showing that the paratactic constmction is still possible, mh<
with
the
Subjunctive in such passages as Matt. 18:10; 1 Thess. 5:15 is best
regarded
as constituting an object clause.
Mh< with the
Subjunctive after ble<pw is also probably to be regarded
as
dependent.
It is true that ble<pw does not take an objective
clause in
classical
Greek, that in the New Testament only the Imperative of this
verb
is followed by a clause defining the action to be done or avoided, and
that
in a few illstances the second verb is an Aorist Subjunctive in the
second
person with mh<, and might therefore be regarded
as a Prohib-
itory
Subjunctive (Luke 21:8; Gal. 5:15; Heb. 12:25). Yet in a
larger
number of cases the verb is in the third person (Matt. 24:4; Mark
13:5;
Acts 13:40; 1 Cor. 8:9, etc.), and in at least one instance is in-
troduced
by i!na (1 Cor. 16:10). This indicates that we
have not a coor-
dinate
imperative expression, but a dependent clause. In Col. 4:17
ble<pe, and in 2 John 8 ble<pete, is followed by i!na with the
Subjunctive;
the
clause in such case being probably objective, but possibly pure final.
In
Heb. 3:12 the Future Indicative with mh< is evidently an
objective
clause.
REM. Concerning Luke 11:35, see B. p. 243; WM. p. 374, foot-note,
and
p. 631; WT. p. 503; Th. fJ.'6, lli.
2; R. V. ad loc.
210. Verbs of striving, etc., may also
take the Infinitive as
object. With Matt. 26:4, and John 11:53,
cf. Acts 9:23;
with
Rev. 13:12 cf. 13:13.
The verbs zhte<w and a]fi<hmi, which are usually followed by
90
THE MOODS.
an
Infinitive, are each followed in one instance by tva witl tihe
Subjunctive.
See Mark 11:16; 1 Cor. 14:12; cf. also 1 Cor.
4:2.
211. Subject, Predicate, and Appositive Clauses
intro-
duced by i!na.
Clauses introduced by i!na are frequently
used
in the New Testament as subject, predicate, or appos-
itive,
with a force closely akin to that of an Infinitive.
The
verb is usually in the Subjunctive, less frequently in
the
Future Indicative.
These clauses may be further classified
as follows:
212. (a) SUBJECT of
the passive of verbs of exhorting,
striving,
etc., which in the active take such a clause as object,
and
of other verbs of somewhat similar force. Cf. 200, 205.
1
Cor. 4:2.; zhtei?tai e]n toi?j oi]kono<moij
i!na pisto<j tij eu[req^?, it is
required in stewards that a man be found
fazthful.
Rev.
9:4; kai> e]rre<qh au]tai?j i!na
mh> a]dikh<sousin to>n xo<rton th?j gh?j,
and it was said unto them that they
should not hurt the grass of the
earth. See also Mark 9:12 (ge<graptai implies command or will);
Rev. 9:5.
213. (b) SUBJECT, PREDICATE, OR
APPOSITIVE with nouns II
of
various significance, especially such as are cognate with the lilt!
verbs
which take such a clause as object, and with pronouns, ;,;
the
clause constituting a definition of the content of the noun
or
pronoun.
John
4:34; e]mo>n brw?ma< e]stin i!na
poih<sw to> qe,Lhma tou? pe<myanto<j
me
kai> teleiw<sw to> e@rgon au]tou?, my
meat is to do the will of him
that
sent me and to accomplish his work.
John
15:12; au!th e]sti>n h[ e]ntolh> h[
e]mh<, i!na a]gapa?te a]llh<louj, this
is
my commandment, that ye love one another. See also Luke 1:43;
John 6:29, 39, 40; 15:8, 13; 18:39; 1
Cor. 9:18; 1 John 3:1;
2 John 6; 3 John 4.
CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY FINAL PARTICLES. 91
REM. The Present Indicative occurs in
MSS. of John 17: 3 and is
adopted
by Tisch. and Treg. (text).
214. (c) SUBJECT of
phrases signifying it is profitable, it is
sufficient,
etc.
Matt.
10:25; a]rketo>n t&? maqht^>? i!na ge<nhtai w[j o[ dida<skaloj
au]tou?,
it
is enough for the disciple that he be as his master. See also Matt.
5:29, 30; 18:6; Luke 17:2; John 11:50;
16:7; 1 Cor. 4:3.
215. Complementary'
and Epexegetic Clauses intro-
duced
by i!na. Clauses
introduced by i!na are used in the
New
Testament to express a complementary or epexegetic
limitation,
with a force closely akin to that of an Infinitive.
The
verb of. the clause is usually in the Subjunctive, some-
times
in the Future Indicative.
These clauses may be classified as
follows:
216. (a) Complementary limitation of
nouns and adjec-
t
tives signifying authority, power,
fitness, need, set time, etc.
Mark
11:28; h}
ti<j soi e@dwken th>n e]cousi<an tau<thn i!na tau?ta poi^?j
or
who gave thee this authority to do these things?
John
12:23; e\;j>;iqem j] w!ra o!ma dpcasq^ o[
ui[o>j tou? a]nqrw<pou, the
hour
is come that the Son of man should be glorified. See also Matt.
8:8; Luke 7:6; John 1:27; 2:25; 16:2,
32; 1 John 2:27;
Rev. 21:23.
217. (b)
Complementary or epexegetic limitation of verbs
of
various significance; the clause defines the content, ground,
or
method of the action denoted by the verb, or constitutes an
indirect
object of the verb.
John
8:56; ]Abraa>m o[ path>r u[mw?n
h]gallia<sato i!na i@d^ ht>n h[me<ran
th>n
e]mh<n,
your father Abraham rejoiced to see my
day.
92
THE
MOODS.
Phil.
2:2; plhrw<sate< mou th>n xara>n
i!na to> au]to> fronh?te, fulfil ye
my
joy, that ye be of the same mind. (See an Infinitive similarly
used in Acts 15: 10.) See also John
9:22; Gal. 2:9; in both
these Jatter passages the i!na clause
defines the content of the agree-
ment mentioned in the preceding portion
of the sentence. See also
John 5:7. Cf. Martyr. Polyc. 10. 1.
218.
Clauses of Conceived Result introduced by i!na.
Clauses
introduced by tva are used in the New Testament
to
express the conceived result of an action.
John
9:2; ti<
h!marten, ou$toj h} oi[ gonei?j au]tou?, i!na tuflo>j gennhq^?,
who
did sin, this man or his parents, that he should be born blind?
1
Thess. 5:4; u[mei?j de>, a]delfoi<, ou]k e]ste> e]n sko<tei,
i!na h[ h[me<ra
u[ma?j
w[j kle<ptaj katala<b^, but ye,
brethren, are not in darkness, that
that
day should overtake you as thieves. See also 1 John 1:9 (cf.
Heb. 6:10--Infinitive in similar
construction); 2 Cor. 1:17; Rev.
9:20 (cf. Matt. 21:32); 14:13; 22:14.
219. The relation
of thought between the fact expressed in
the
principal clause and that expressed in the clause of con-
ceived
result introduced by 1va is that of cause and effect, but
it
is recognized by the speaker that this relation is one of
theory
or inference rather than of observed fact. In some
cases
the effect is actual and observed, the cause is inferred.
So,
e.g., John 9:2. In other cases the
cause is observed, the
effect
is inferred. So, e.g., 1 Thess. 5:4.
In all the cases the
action
of the principal clause is regarded as the necessary con-
dition
of that of the subordinate clause, the action of the sub-
ordinate
clause as the result which is to be expected to follow
from
that of the principal clause.
It is worthy of notice that in English
the form of expres-
sion
which ordinarily expresses pure purpose most distinctly
may
also be used to express this relation of conceived result.
We
say, He must have suffered very severe
losses in order to be
80 reduced in
circumstances.
Such forms of expression are
CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY FINAL PARTICLES. 93
probably
the product of false analogy, arising from imitation
of
a construction which really expresses purpose. Thus in the
sentence,
He labored diligently in order to
accumulate property,
the
subordinate clause expresses pure purpose. In the sen-
tence,
He must have labored diligently in order
to accumulate
such a property, the sentence
may be so conceived that the sub-
ordinate
clause would express purpose, but it would usually
mean
rather that if he accumulated such a property he must
have
labored diligently; that is, the property is conceived of
as
a result the existence of which proves diligent labor. This
becomes
still more evident if we say, He must
have labored
diligently to
have accumulated such a property. But when we
say,
He must have suffered severe losses to
have become so re-
duced in
circumstances,
it is evident that the idea of purpose
has
entirely disappeared, and only that of inferred result
~
remains. Actual result observed to be the effect of observed
causes
is not, however, thus expressed except by a rhetorical
figure.
With these illustrations from the English, compare
the
following from the Greek. Jas. 1:4; h[ de>
u[pomonh> e@rgon
te<leion e]xe<tw, i!na h#te
te<leioi kai> o[lo<klhroi, and
let patience have
its perfect
work, that ye may be perfect and entire. Heb. 10:36;
u[pomonh?j ga>r e@xete xrei<an
i!na to> qe<lhma tou? qeou? poih<santej komi<shsqe th>n
e]paggeli<an,
for ye have need of patience, that, having
done
the will of God, ye may receive the promise. In the first sentence
the
tva clause expresses the purpose of e]xe<tw. In the second,
though
the purpose of u[pomonh< is contained in
the clause i!na
.
. . e]p[aggeli<an, yet the
function of this clause in the sentence
is
not telic. Its office is not to express the purpo.se of the
principal
clause, but to set forth a result (conceived, not act-
ual)
of which the possession of u[pomonh< is the
necessary condi-
tion.
In John 9:2 the idiom is developed a step further, for
in
this case the i!na clause in no sense expresses the
purpose of
the
action of the principal clause, but a fact conceived to be
94 THE MOODS.
the
result of a cause concerning which the principal clause
makes
inquiry.
This use of i!na with the Subjunctive
is closely akin in force
to
the normal force of w!ste with the Infinitive. Cf. 370, c,
and
especially
G.MT. 582~84.
220. Some of the
instances under 215-217 might be considered as ex-
pressing
conceived result, but the idiom has developed beyond the point
of
conceived result, the clause becoming a mere complementary limita-
tion.
The possible course of development may perhaps be suggested by
examining
the following illustrations: John 17:2; Mark 11:28 ; Luke
7:6;
1 John 2:27. In the first case the clause probably expresses pure
purpose.
In the last the idea of purpose has altogether disappeared.
221. In all these
constructions, 211-218, which are distinct
departures
from classical usage, being later invasions of the
lva
clause upon the domain occupied in classical Greek by
the
Infinitive, the Infinitive remains also in use in the New
Testament,
being indeed in most of these constructions more
frequent
than the i!na clause.
222. There is no
certain, scarcely a probable, instance in
the
New Testament of a clause introduced by lva denoting
actual
result conceived, of as such.
Luke
9:45 probably expresses pure purpose (cf. Matt. 11:25; WK.
p.574;
WT. p. 459). Gal. 5:17 is also best
explained as expressing the
purpose
of the hostility of the flesh and the Spirit, viewed, so far as the
fila
clause is concerned, as a hostility of the flesh to the Spirit. So, ap-
parently,
R,V. Rev. 13:13 is the most probable instance of fila denoting-
actual
result; i!na . . . poi^? is probably
equivalent to w!ste poiei?n, and is
epexegetic
of mega<la. It would be
best translated, so as even to make.
Respecting fila i!na plhrwq^?, Matt. 1:22 and frequently in the first
gospel,
there is no room for doubt. The writer of the first gospel never uses
i!na to express result, either actual or
conceived; and that he by this
phrase
at least intends to express purpose is made especially clear by his
employment
of o!pwj (which is never ecbatic)
interchangeably with i!na.
With
1:22; 2:15; 4:14; 12:17; 21:4; 26:66, cf. 2:23 ; 8:17 ; 13:35.
CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY FINAL PARTICLES. 95
223. Concerning the post-classical usage
of i!na in general see Jebb in
Vincent and
Dickson,
Modern Greek, pp. 319-821. Concerning whether
rva
in the New Testament is always in the strict sense telic, and whether
it
is ever ecbatic (two distinct questions not always clearly distinguished),
see
Meyer on Matt. 1:22: “ !Ina ist niemals e]kbatiko<n, so dass,
sondem
immer
teliko<n, damit,"--the
first half of which is true, the second half
far
from true. Fritzsche on Matt. pp. 836
ft.; WT. pp. 457-462; WH.
pp.
573-578; B. pp. 235-240: "And
although it [i!na] never stands in
the
strict ecbatic sense (for w!ste with the finite
verb), it has nevertheless
here
reached the very boundary line where the difference between the
two
relations (the relic and the ecbatic) disappears, and it is nearer to the
ecbatic
sense than to its original final sense. Necessary as the demand is,
that
in a systematic inquiry into the use pf the particle, even within a
comparatively
restricted field, we should always make its original telic
force,
which is the only force it has in earlier Greek writers, our point
of
departure, and trace out thence the transitions to its diverse shades of
meaning;
the interests of exegesis would gain very little, if in every in-
dividual
passage of the N.T. even (the language of which has already
departed
so far from original classic Greek usage) we should still take
pains,
at the cost of the simple and natural sense, and by a recourse to
artificial
means, always to introduce the telic force," p. 239. Hunzinger,
"Die
in der klassischen Gracitat nicht gebrauchliche finale Bedeutung
der
Partikel i!na im neutestamentlichen
Sprachgebrauch," in Zeitschrift
fur
Kirchliche Wissenschaft, 1883, pp. 632-643--a valuable article which
elaborately
disproves its own conclusion--"dass i!na im N. T. in allen
Fallen
final verstanden werden kann," UIiless a very broad and loose
sense
be given to the term final.
224. Object Clauses after Verbs of Fear and
Danger.
In
classical Greek, clauses after verbs of fear
and danger
employ
mh<
with the Subjunctive after primary tenses; the
Optative,
more rarely the Subjunctive, after secondary
tenses.
HA. 887; G. 1378.
In the New Testament the Subjunctive
only is used.
2
Cor. 12:20; fobou?mai ga>r mh< pwj e]lqw>n
ou]x oi!ouj qe<lw eu!rw u[ma?j, for
I
fear, lest by any means, when I come, I shall find you not such as I
would. See also Acts
23:10; 27:29; 2 Cor. 11:3; Heb. 4:1.
REM. 1. Acts 5:26 may be understood as
in R.V., to>n lao<n denoting
the
persons feared, and mh> liqasqw?sin the thing
feared (cf. the familiar
96
THE
MOODS.
idiom
with oi#da illustrated in Mark 1:24; see
also Gal. 4:11), so that the
meaning
would be expressed in English by translating, for they were
afraid
that they should be stoned by the people; or e]fobou?nto
. . . lao<n
may
be
taken as parenthetical, and mh> liqasqw?sin made to limit h#gen au]tou<j,
ou] meta> bi<aj; so Tisch. and
WH.
REM. 2. Some MSS. and editors read a
Future Indicative in 2 Cor.
12:21.
225. The verb of
fearing is sometimes unexpressed, the idea
of
fear being suggested by the context; so, it may be, in Acts
5:39,
and Matt. 25:9.
REM. 1. 2 Tim. 2:25, mh< pote dw<^ au]toi?j o[ qeo>j meta<noian is
probably
best explained in the same way. For the gentleness and meekness in
dealing
with those that oppose themselves, which he has enjoined, the
apostle
adds the argument, [fearing] lest God may
perchance grant them
repentance, i.e.
lest on the assumption that they are past repentance you
be found dealing
in harshness with those to whom God will yet grant
repentance.
REM. 2. Dw<^ (Subjunctive)
is to be preferred to d&<h (Optative) in
this
passage as in Eph. 1:17. See the evidence in WS. p. 120 that this
form
occurs as a Subjunctive not only in tbe Old Ionic language, but in
inscriptions
of the second century B.C. Cf. WHo II. App. p. 168.
226. It is evident
that object clauses after verbs of fear
are closely
akin
to negative object clauses after verbs signifying to care for. G.MT.
354.
Some of the instances cited under 206 might not inappropriately
placed
under 224. On the probable common origin of both, and their
development
from the original parataxis, see G.MT.
307, 352.
227. When the object of apprehension is
conceived of as
already
present or past, i.e. as a thing already decided, al-
though
the issue is at the time of speaking unknown, the In-
dicative
is used both in classical and New Testament Greek.
HA. 888; G. 1380.
Gal.
4:11; fobou?mai u[ma?j mh< pwj ei]k^?
kekopi<aka ei]j u[ma?j,
I am afraid
I
have perhaps bestowed labor upon you in vain. See also Gal. 2 : 2 ;
1 Thess. 3:5; Gen. 43:11.
MOODS IN CLAUSES OF CAUSE. 97
MOODS IN CLAUSES OF CAUSE.
228. A causal clause is one which gives
either the cause or
the
reason of the fact stated in the principal clause. Causal
causes
are introduced by o!ti, dio<ti, e]pei<,
e]peidh<, e]peidh<per, e]f ] &$
etc.
HA. 925; G. 1505.
229.
Moods and Tenses in Causal Clauses. The
moods
and tenses are used in causal clauses with the same
force
as in principal clauses.
John
14:19; o!ti e]gw> zw? kai> u[mei?j
zh<sete,
because I live, ye shall live also.
1
Cor. 14:12; e]pei> zhlwtai< e]ste
pneuma<twn, pro>j th>n oi]kodomh>n th?j
e]kklhsi<aj
zhtei?te i!na perisseu<hte, since ye are
zealous of spiritual
gifts,
seek that ye may abound unto the edifying of the church. See
also Luke 1:1; Acts 15:24; Rom. 5:12.
230. From the significance of a causal
clause it naturally
results
that its verb is usually an Indicative affirming a fact.
Any
form, however, which expresses or implies either qualified
or
unqualified assertion may stand after a causal conjunction.
Thus
we find, e.g., a rhetorical question, or an apodosis of a
conditional
sentence. In the latter case the protasis may be
omitted.
In the folloWIng Instances all three of these phe-
nomena
coincide; the causal clause is an apodosis, its protasis
is
omitted, it is expressed in the form of a rhetorical
question.
1
Cor. 15:29; e]pei> ti< poih<sousin oi[
baptizo<menoi u[pe>r tw?n nekrw?n, else
what
shall they do which are baptized for the dead? i.e., since [if the
dead
are notraisedJ they that are baptized for the dead are baptized
to
no purpose.
Heb.
10:2; e]pei>
ou]k a}n e]pau<santo prosfero<menai, else
would they not
have
ceased to be offered?
i.e., since [if what was said above were
not
true]
they would have ceased to be offered. Cf. also Acts 5 : 38.
98
THE MOODS.
231. From the nature of the causal
clause as making an
assertion,
it results that it is easily disjoined from the clause
which
states the fact of which it gives the cause or reason,
and
becomes an independent sentence.
Matt.
6:5; kai>
o!tan proseu<xhsqe, ou]k e@sesqe w[j oi[ u[pokritai<: o!ti
filou?sin
e]n tai?j sunagwgai?j kai> e]n tai?j gwni<aij tw?n plateiw?n
e[stw?tej
proseu<xesqai,
and when ye pray, ye shall not be as the
hypocrites: because they love to .'?tand
and pray in the synagogues and
in the corners of the streets (cf. 6:
16, where in a closely similar
sentence, ga<r is used instead
of o!ti). See also Luke 11:32;
1 Cor. 1:22, and cf. v. 21, where the same
conjunction e]peidh< intro-
duces a subordinate clause.
232. The distinction between a subordinate
causal clause and an
independent
sentence affirming a cause or reason is usually one of the
degree
or emphasis on the causal relation between the two facts. When
the
chief thing asserted is the e:xistence of the causal relation, as happens,
e.g.,
when one fact or the other is already present as a fact before the
mind,
the causal clause is manifestly subordinate. When the emphasis
is
upon the separate assertions as assertions, rather than on the relation
of
the facts asserted, the causal clause easily becomes an independent
sentence.
Thus in Rev. 3: 16, because thou art lukewarm, and neither
hot
nor cold, I well spew thee out of my mouth, the causal clause is subor-
dinate.
So also in John 16:3, and these things they will do, because they
have
not known the Father nor me, where the words these things refer
to
an assertion already made, and the intent of the sentence is to state
why
they will do these things. See also John 20:29. On the other hand,
in
Matt. 6:5; Luke 11:32; 1 Cor. 1:22 (see 231); and in 1 Cor. 15:29;
Heb.
10:2 (see 230), the casual clause is evidently independent, and the
particles
o!ti, e]pei<, e]peidh< have substantially the force of ga<r.
233. Causal
relatiqns .may also be expressed by a relative
clause
(294), by an Infinitive with the article governed by dia<
(408),
and by a participle (439).
MOODS IN CLAUSES OF RESULT. 99
MOODS IN CLAUSES
or RESULT.
234. A consecutive
clause is one which expresses the result,
actual
or potential, of the action stated in the principal clause
or
a preceding sentence.
In the New Testament consecutive clauses
are introduced
by
w!ste.
HA.927; G. 1449.
235. A consecutive
clause commonly takes either the Indic-
ative
or the Infinitive. The Indicative properly expresses the
acttIal
result produced by the action previously mentioned, the
InfinitIve
the result which the action of the principal verb
tends
or is calculated to produce. Since, however, an actual
result
may always be conceived of as that which the cause in
question
is calculated or adapted to produce, the Infinitive
may
be used when the result is obviously actual. Thus
if
senselessness tends to credulity, one may say ou!twj
a]no<htoi<
e]ste w!ste to> a]du<naton
pisteu<ete or
ou!twj a]no<htoi< e]ste w!ste to> a]du<-
naton pisteu<ein, with little
difference of meaning, though strictly
the
latter represents believing the impossible simply as the
measure
of the folly, while the former represents it as the act-
ual
result of such folly. G.MT.582, 583; HA. 927; G.1450,
1451.
The use of the Infinitive is the older
idiom. Attic writers show on
the
whole a tendency to an increased use of the Indicative, Aristophanes
and
Xenophon, e.g., using it more frequently
than the Infinitive. See
Gild. A.J.P. VII. 161-175;
XIV. 240-242. But in the New Testament the
Infinitive
greatly predominates, occurring fifty times as against twenty-
one
instances of the Indicative, but one 'of which is in a clause clearly
subordinate.
On w!ste introducing a
principal clause see 237. On different concep-
tions
of result, and the use of the Infinitive to express result, see 369-371.
236.
The Indicative with w!ste. expresses actual result.
John
3:16; ou!twj ga>r h]ga<phsen o[
qeo>j to>n ko<smon w!ste to>n ui[o>n to>n
monogenh?
e@dwken,
for God so loved the world that he gave
his only
begotten
Son.
100
THE
MOODS.
REM. With John 3:16, which is the only
clear instance in the New
Testament
of w!ste with the Indicative so closely
joined to what precedes
as
to constitute a subordinate clause, is usually reckoned also Gal. 2:13.
237. The clause
introduced by w!ste is sometimes so dis-
joined
from the antecedent sentence expressing the causal fact
that
it becomes an independent sentence. In such cases w!ste
has
the meaning therefore, or accordingly, and the verb intro-
duced
by it may be in any form capable of standing in a prin-
cipal
clause. HA. 927, a; G. 1454.
Mark
2:28; w!ste
ku<rio<j e]stin o[ ui[o>j tou? a]nqrw<pou kai> tou? sabba<tou,
so
that
the Son of man is lord even of the sabbath.
1
Cor. 5:8; w!ste e[orta<zwmen, wherefore let us keep the feast.
1
Thess. 4:18; w!ste parakalei?te a]llh<louj e]n
toi?j lo<goij tou<toij,
wherefore
comfort one another with these words.
MOODS IN OONDITIONAL
SENTENCES.
238. A. conditional
sentence consists of a subordinate clause
which
states a supposition, and a principal clause which states
a
conclusion conditioned on the fulfilment of the supposition
stated
in the subordinate clause. The conditional clause is
called
the protasis. The principal clause is called the apodosis.
239. Suppositions
are either particular or general. When
the
protasis supposes a certain definite event and the apodosis
conditions
its assertion on the occurrence of this event, the
supposition
is particular. When the protasis supposes any
occurrence
of an act of a certain class, and the apodosis states
what
is or, was wont to take place in any instance of an act of
the
class supposed in the protasis, the supposition is general.
Thus in the sentence, If he believes this act to be wrong, he will
not
do it, the
supposition is particular. But in the sentence, If [in any in-
stance] he
believes an act to be wrong, he does not [is not wont to] do it,
MOODS IN CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 101
the
supposition is general. In the sentence, If
he has read this book, he
will be able to
tell what it contains,
the supposition is particular. But
in
the sentence, If he read a book, he could
always tell what it contained,
the
supposition is general.
240. It should be
noted that the occurrence of an indefinite pronoun
in
the protasis does not necessarily make the supposition general. If the
writer,
though using an indefinite term, refers to a particular instance,
and
in the apodosis states what happened, is happening, or will happen
in
this case, the supposition is particular. If, on the other hand, the
supposition
refers to any instance of the class of cases described, and
the
apodosis states what is or was wont
to happen in any such instance,
the
supposition is general. Thus, in the sentence, If anyone has eaten
any of the food,
he is by this time dead, the supposition is particular.
In
the sentence, If anyone [in any instance]
ate any of the food, [it was
wont to happen
that] he died,
the supposition is general. In 2 Cor. 2:5,
but if anyone
hath caused sorrow, he hath caused sorrow not to me, but
. . . to you all, the
supposition refers to a specific case, and is particular.
Even
the mental selection of one of many possible instances suffices to
make
a supposition particular. So in 1 Cor. 3:12, it is probable that we
ought
to read, if any man is building, and
in 3:17, if any man is destroy-
ing, and take the
clauses as referring to what was then, hypothetically,
going
on rather than to what might at any time occur. On the other
hand,
in John 11:9, if a man walk in the day,
he stumbleth not, the sup-
position
refers to any instance of walking in the day, and is general.
Concerning a protasis which refers to
the truth of a general principle as
such,
see 243.
241. Of the six
classes of conditional sentences which are
found
in classical Greek, five occur in the New Testament, not
however
without occasional variations of form.
REM. 1. The classification of
conditional sentences here followed is
substantially
that of Professor Goodwin. The numbering of the Present
General
Suppositions and Past General Suppositions as fifth and sixth
classes
respectively, instead of including them as subdivisions under the
first
class, is adopted to facilitate reference.
REM. 2. It should be observed that the
titles of the several classes of
conditional
sentences describe the suppositions not from the point of view
of
fact, but from that of the representation of the case to the speaker's
own
mind or to that of his hearer. Cf., e.g.,
Luke 7:39; John 18:30.
102
THE MOODS.
242.
A. Sinlple Present or Past Particular Supposi-
tion. The protasis simply states a supposition which refers
to
a particular case in the present or past, implying
nothing
as to its fulfilment.
The
protasis is expressed by ei] with a present or past
tense
of the Indicative; any form of the finite verb may
stand
in the apodosis. HA. 893; G.1390.
John
15:20; ei] e]me> e]di<wcan, kai>
u[ma?j diw<cousin,
if they have persecuted
me,
they will also persecute you.
Gal.
5:18; ei] de> pneu<mati a@gesqe, ou]k e]ste> u[po>
no<mon,
but if ye are led
by
the Spirit, ye are not under the law. See also Matt. 4:3; Luke
16:11; Acts 5:39; Rom.4:2; 8:10; Gal.
2:17; Rev. 20:15.
REM. Concerning the use of the negatives
mh<
and ou] in the protasis of
conditional
sentences of this class, see 469, 470.
243. When a supposition refers to the
truth of a general-
principle
as such, and the apodosis conditions its assertion
on
the truth of this principle, not on the occurrence of any
instance
of a supposed class of events, the supposition is
particular.
It is expressed in Greek by ei] with the
Indica-
tive,
and the sentence belongs to the first class.
Matt.
19:10; ei] ou!twj e]sti>n h[ ai]ti<a
tou? a]nqrw<pou meta> th?j gunaiko<j, ou]
sumfe<rei
gamh?sai,
if the case of the man is so with his
wife, it is not
expedient
to marry.
See also Matt. 6 : 30; Gal. 2 : 21; cf. Plat. Prot.
340, C. In Rom. 4:14; 8:17; 11:6, the
verb is omitted. The
use of ei] and the nature
of the sentence, however, easily suggest
what form of the verb would be required
if it were expressed.
244. Conditional
clauses of the first class are frequently
used
when the condition is fulfilled, and the use of the hypo-
thetical
form suggests no doubt of the fact. This fact of ful-
filment
lies, however, not in the conditional sentence, but in the
context.
John 3:12; 7:23; Rom. 5:10.
MOODS SENTENCES. 103
245. On the other
hand, conditional clauses of the first class
may
be used of what is regarded by the speaker as an unful-
filled
condition. But this also is not expressed or implied by
the
form of the sentence, which is in itself wholly colorless,
suggesting
nothing as to the fulfilment of the condition.
Luke
23:35, 37; John 18:23; Rom. 4:2; Gal. 5:11.
246. Even a Future
Indicative may stand in the protasis of
a
conditional sentence of the first class when reference is had
to
a present necessity or intention, or when the writer desires
to
state not what will take place on the fulfilment of a futur6
possibility,
but merely to affirm a necessary logical consequence
of
a future event. 1 Cor. 9:11. Cf. G.MT.407.
247. In a few
instances iav is used with the Present Indicative in the I
protasis
of a conditional sentence, apparently to express a simple present
supposition.
1 Thess. 3:8; 1 John 5:15.
248.
B. Supposition contrary to Fact. The protasis
states
a supposition which refers to the present or past,
implying
that it is not or was not fulfilled.
The protasis is expressed by el with a
past tense of the
Indicative;
the apodosis by a past tense of the Indicative
with
a@n.
HA. 895; G. 1397.
The Imperfect denotes continued action;
the Aorist
a
simple fact; the Pluperfect completed action. The
time
is implied in the context, not expressed by the
verb.
John
11:21; Ku<rie, ei] h#j w$de ou]k a}n
a]pe<qanen o[ a]delfo<j mou, Lord,
if
thou hadst been here, my brother would
not have died.
Gal.
1:10; ei] e@ti a]nqrw<poij h@reskon,
Xristou? dou?loj ou]k a}n h@mhn, if I
were still pleasing men, I should not
be a servant of Christ. See also
John 14:28; Acts 18:14; Heb. 4:8; 11:15.
104
THE MOODS.
249. @An is sometimes omitted from the apodosis.
Cf. 30.
B.
pp. 216 f., 225 f.; WM. pp.
382 f.; WT. pp. 305 f.; cf. G.MT.
pp.
415 ff., esp. 422, 423.
John
9:33; ei] mh> h#n ou$toj para> qeou?,
ou]k h]du<nato poiei?n ou]de<n, if
this
man were not from God, he could do
nothing.
See also Matt. 26:24;
John 15:22; 19:11; 1 Cor. 5:10; Gal.
4:15; Heb. 9:26.
250. C. Future Supposition with More
Probability.
The
protasis states a supposition which refers to the
future,
suggesting some probability of its fulfilment.
The
protasis is usually expressed by e]a<n (or a@n)
with
the
Subjunctive; the apodosis by the Future Indicative or
by
some other form referring to future time. RA. 898;
G.
1403.
Matt.
9:21; e]a>n mo<non a!ywmai tou?
i[mati<ou au]tou? swqh<somai, if
I shall
but
touch his garments, I shall be made whole.
John
12:26; e]a<n tij e]moi> diakon^?
timh<sei au]to>n o[ path<r, if
any man
serve
me, him will the Father honor.
John
14:15; e]a>n a]gapa?te< me, ta>j
e]ntola>j ta>j e]ma>j thrh<sete, if
ye love
me,
ye will keep my commandments. See also Matt. 5:20; 1 Cor.
4:19; Gal. 5:2; Jas. 2:15, 16.
251. In addition to
e]a<n with the Subjunctive, which is the
usual
form both in classical and New Testament Greek, the
following
forms of protasis also occur occasionally in the New
Testament
to express a future supposition with more proba-
bility:
252. (a) Ei] with the
Subjunctive.
Luke
9:13; ou]k ei]si>n h[mi?n plei?on h}
a@rtoi pe<nte kai> i]xqu<ej du<o, ei] mh<ti
poreuqe<ntej
h[mei?j a]gora<swmen ei]j pa<nta to>n lao> tou?ton
brw<mata, we have no more than five loaves and two
fishes,' unless we are
to
go and buy food for all this people. See also 1 Cor. 14:5; 1 Thess.
5:10; Judg. 11:9.
MOODS IN CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 105
253. This usage
also occurs in Homer and the tragic poets, but is very
rare
in Attic prose. It is found in the Septuagint and becomes very com-
mon
in later Hellenistic and Byzantine writers. G. MT. 453, 454; Clapp in
T.A.P.A.1887, p. 49;
1891, pp. 88 f.; WT. pp. 294 f.; WM. pp. 368, 374, f.n.
For the few New Testament instances
there is possibly in each case a
special
reason. Thus in Luke 9: 13 there is probably a mixture of a con-
ditional
clause and a deliberativequestion: unless
indeed--are we to go?
i.e.,
unless indeed toe are to go. In 1
Cor. 14:5 and 1 Thess. 5:10 a
preference
for the more common ei] mh< and ei@te . . . ei@te over the somewhat
unusual
e]a>n mh< and e]a<nte
. . . e]a<nte may have led to
the use of the former
in
spite of the fact that the meaning called for a Subjunctive. 1 Thess.
5:10
can hardly be explained as attraction (B. and W.), since the nature
of
the thought itself calls for a Subjunctive. On Phil. 3:11, 12, cf. 276.
It
is doubtful, however, whether the discovery of any difference in force
between
el with the Subjunctive and e]a<n with the
Subjunctive in these
latter
passages is not an over-refinement.
254. (b) Ei] or e]a<n with the Future Indicative.
2
Tim. 2:12; ei] a]rnhso<meqa, ka]kei?noj
a]rnh<setai h[ma?j,
if we shall deny
him, he also will deny us.
Acts
8:31; e]a>n mh< tij o[dhgh<sei me, unless some
one shall guide me.
`See also Luke 19: 40.
255. Ei] with the Future
Indicative occurs as a protasis of a condition
of
the third form not infrequently in classical writers, especially in
tragedy.
G.MT. 447. Of the New Testament instances of el followed
by
a Future (about twenty in number), one, 2 Tim. 2:12, illustrates the
minatory
or monitory force attributed to such clauses by Gild., T.A.P.A.
1876,
pp. 9 ff.; A.J.P. XIII. pp. 123 ff. Concerning the other instances,
see
246, 254, 272, 276, 340.
256. (c) Ei] with the
Present Indicative. The protasis is
then
apparently of the first class (242). The instances which "
belong
here are distinguished by evident reference of the prot- I!:~
asis
to the future.
Matt.
8:31; ei] e]kba<lleij h[ma?j,
a]po<steilon h[ma?j ei]j th>n a]ge<lhntw?n
xoi<rwn, if thou cast us out send us away into the
herd of swine. See
also 1 Cor. 10:27 (cf. v. 28); 2 John
10; Gen. 4:14; 20:7;
44:26; and as .possible instances Matt.
5: 29, 30; 18: 8, 9;
Luke 14:26; 2 TIm. 2:12.
106
THE
MOODS.
257. There is no
distinction in form either in Greek or in English
between
a particular and a general supposition referring to the future.
The
distinction in thought is of course the same as in the case of present
or
past suppositions (239). Thus in Matt. 9:21, if I shall but touch his
garment, I shall
be made whole,
the supposition evidently refers to a spe-
cific
case, and is particular. But in John 16:23, if
ye shall ask anything
of the Father,
he will give it you in my name, the supposition is evid'ently
general.
A large number of the future suppositions in the New Testa-
ment
are apparently general. It is almost always possible, however, to
suppose
that a particular imagined instance is mentally selected as the
illustration
of the class. Cf. 240, 261.
258. When a conditional clause which as
originally uttered
or
thought was of the first or third class and expressed by
d
with the Indicative or e]a<n with the Subjunctive is so
incorporated
into a sentence as to be made dependent on a
verb
of past time, it may be changed to ei] with the
Optative.
This
principle applies even when the apodosis on which the
protasis
depends is not itself strictly in indirect discourse.
Cf.
334-347, esp. 342, 347. See G.MT.
457, 694 ff.
Acts.
20:16; e@speuden
ga>r ei] dunato>n ei@h au]t&? th>n h[me<ran th?j penth-
kosth?j
gene<sqai ei]j ]Ieroso<luma, for he was hastening, if it were pos-
sible
for him, to be at Jerusalem the day of Pentecost. In this
sentence ei]
dunato>n ei@h
represents the protasis of the sentence e]a>n
dunato>n
^# genhso<meqa
which expressed the original thought of Paul,
to which the writer here refers. The
same explanation applies to
Acts 24:19, and to 27:39 (unless ei] du<nainto is an indirect ques-
tion); also to Acts 17: 27 and 27: 12,
but on these cases see
also 276.
259. D. Future Supposition with Less
Probability.
The
protasis states a supposition which refers to the future,
suggesting
less probability of its fulfilment than is sug-
gested
by e]a<n with the Subjunctive.
The protasis is expressed by ei]
with the Optative; the
apodosis
by the Optative with a@n. H.A. 900; G. 1408.
MOODS IN CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 107
There
is no perfect example of this form in the New Testa-
ment.
Protases occur in 1 Cor. and 1 Pet., but never with a
regular
and fully expressed apodosis. Apodoses occur in Luke
and
Acts, but never with a regular protasis.
1
Pet. 3:17; krei?tton ga>r a]gaqopoiou?ntaj, ei]
qe<loi to> qe<lhma tou? qeou?,
pa<sxein
h} kakopoiou?ntaj,
for it is better, if the will of God
should so
will,
that ye suffer for well doing than for evil doing. See also 1
Cor.
14:10; 15:37; 1 Pet. 3:14.
260. E. Present General Supposition. The
supposi-
tion
refers to any occurrence of an act of a certain class in
the
(general) present, and the apodosis states what is wont
to
take place in any instance of an act of the class referred
to
in the protasis.
The protasis is expressed by e]a<n with the Subjunctive,
the
apodosis by the Present Indicative. HA.
894, 1; G.
1393,
1.
John
11:9; e]a<n tij pepripat^? e]n t^?
h[me<r%, ou] prosko<ptei, a man
walk
in the day, he stumbleth not.
2
Tim 2:5; e]a>n de> kai> a]ql^? tij, ou]
stefanou?tai e]a>n mh> nomi<mwj
a]qlh<s^, and if also a man contend in the games, he
is not crowned,
unless
he contend lawfully.
See also Mark 3:24; John 7:51;
12:24; 1 Cor. 7:39, 40.
261. Ei] with the
Present Indicative not infrequently
occurs
in clauses which apparently express a present general
supposition.
G.MT.467. Yet in most New Testament
pas-
sages
of this kind, it is possible that a particular imagined
instance
in the present or future is before the mind as an illus-
tration
of the general class of cases. Cf. 242, 256. It is
scarcely
possible to decide in each case whether the supposi-
tion
was conceived of as general or particular.
108
THE MOODS.
Luke
14:26; ei@ tij e@rxetai pro<j me kai>
ou] misei? . . . th>n yuxh>n
e[aoutou?,
ou] du<natai ei#nai< mou maqhth<j, if any man cometh unto me,
and hateth not. . . his own life, he
cannot be my disciple. Cf. John 8:51;
12:26; where in protases of apparently
similar force e]a<n with the
Subjunctive occurs, and the apodosis
refers to the future.
Rom.
8:25; eo] de> o{ ou] ble<pomen
e]lpi<zomen, di ] u[pomonh?j a]pekdexo<meqa,
but if we hope for that which we see
not, then do we with patience wait
for it. See also Jas. 1:26.
262. The third and
fifth classes of conditional sentences are very
similar
not only in form, but also in meaning. When the subject or other
leading
term of the protasis is an indefinite or generic word, the third
class
differs from the fifth only in that a sentence of the third class tells
what
will happen in a particular instance or in any instance of the fulfil-
ment
of the supposition, while a sentence of the fifth class tells what
is
wont to happen in any such case. Cf., e.g., Mark 3:24 with 25; also
the
two sentences of Rom. 7:3.
263. It should be observed that a
Present Indicative in the principal
clause
after a protasis consisting of tall with the Subjunctive does not
always
indicate that the sentence is of the fifth class. If the fact stated
in
the apodosis is already true at the time of speaking, or if the issue
involved
has already been determined, though not necessarily known, the
Present
Indicative is frequently used after a protasis referring to future
time.
The thought would be expressed more fully but less forcibly by
supplying
some such phrase as it will appear that or it will still be true
that.
In other instances the true apodosis is omitted, that which stands
in
its place being a reason for the unexpressed apodosis. In still other
cases
the Present is merely the familiar Present for Future (15).
John
8:31; e]a>n u[mei?j mei<nhte e]n
t&? lo<g& t&? e]m&?, a]lhqw?j maqhtai< mou<
e]ste, if ye shall abide in my word, [ye will show
that] ye are truly
my
disciples.
Observe the Future in the next clause.
1John
1:9; e]a>n o[mologw?men ta>j
a[marti<aj h[mw?n, pisto<j e]stin kai>
di<kaioj
i!na a]f^? h[mi?n ta>j a[marti<aj, if
we confess our sins, [he
will
forgive us, for] he is faithful and righteous to forgive us our sins.
See also Mark 1 : 40; John 19: 12; Acts
26 : 5.
264. The difference in force between the
fifth class of suppositions and
the
class described under 243 should be clearly marked. There the issue
raised
by the protasis is as to the truth or falsity of the principle as a. gen-
MOODS IN CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 109
eral
principle, while the apodosis affirms some other general or particular
statement
to be true if the general principle is true. Here the protasis
raises
no question of the truth or falsity of the general principle, but
suggests
as an hypothesis, that a general statement is in any single case
realized,
and the apodosis states what is wont to take place when the
supposition
of the protasis is thus realized. Thus in Matt. 19:10 (243)
the
disciples say that if the principle stated by Jesus is true, it follows as
a
general principle that it is not expedient to marry. On the other hand,
e]a>n ou!twj e@x^, ou] sumfe<rei
gamh?sai
would mean, If in any instance the
case
supposed is realized, then it is wont to happen that it is not expedient to
marry.
Cf. examples under 260.
265.
F. Past General Supposition. The supposition
refers
to any past occurrence of an act of a certain class,
and
the apodosis states what was wont to take place in any
instance
of an act of the class referred to in the protasis.
The
protasis is expressed byel with the Optative, the,
apodosis
by the Imperfect Indicative. HA. 894,
2; G.
1393,
2.
There is apparently no instance of this
form in the New
Testament.
266. Peculiarities
of Conditional Sentences. Nearly
all
the peculiar variations of conditional sentences men-
tioned
in the classical grammars are illustrated in the New
Testament.
See HA. 901-907; G. 1413-1424.
267. (a) A protasis
of one form is sometimes joined with
an
apodosis of another form.
Acts
8:31; pw?j ga>r a}n dunai<mhn e]a>n
mh< tij o[dhgh<sei me, how can I,
unless some one shall guide me.'
268. (b) An
apodosis may be accompanied by more than
one
protasis; these protases may be of different form, each
retaining
its own proper force.
110
THE MOODS.
John
13:17; ei] tau?ta oi@date, maka<rioi<
e]ste e]a>n poih?te au]ta<, if
ye know
these
things, blessed are ye if ye do them. See also 1 Cor. 9:11.
269. (c) The place of the protasis with
d or £av is some-
times
supplied by a participle, an Imperative, or other form of
expression
suggesting a supposition.
Matt.
26:15; Ti< qe<lete< moi dou?nai ka]gw>
u[mi?n paradw<sw au]to<n, what are
ye willing to give me, and I will
deliver him unto you.
Mark
11:24; pa<nta
o!sa proseu<xesqe kai> ai]tei?sqe, pisteu<ete o!ti e]la<-
bete,
kai> e@stai u[mi?n,
all things whatsoever ye pray and ask for, believe
that ye have received them, and ye shall
have them. See also Matt.
7:10; Mark 1:17; and exx. under 436.
REM. In Jas. 1:5, ai]tei<tw is the apodosis of ei]
de< tij u[mw?n lei<petai
sofi<aj, and at the
same time fills the place of protasis to doqh<setai.
See
also Matt. 19: 21.
270. (d) The
protasis is sometimes omitted. Luke 1:62;
Acts
17:18.
271. (e) The
apodosis is sometimes omitted.
Luke
13:9; ka}n me>n poih<s^ karpo>n ei]j
to> me<llon—ei] de> mh<ge, e]kko<yeij
au]th<n, and if it bear fruit thenceforth, --but if
not, thou shalt cut it
down. See also Luke
19:42; Acts 23:9.
272. Ei]
with the Future Indicative is used by Hebraism
without
an apodosis, with the force of an. emphatic negative
assertion
or oath. Cf. Hr. 48, 9, a.
Mark
8:12; a]mh>n le<gw, ei] doqh<setai
t^? gene%? tau<t^ shmei?on, verily I
say unto you, there shall no sign be
given unto this generation. See
also Heb. 3:11; 4:3, 5. On Heb. 6:14 see
Th. ei], III. 11.
273. (f) The verb
of the protasis or apodosis may be
omitted.
Rom.
4:14; ei]
ga>r oi[ e]k no<mou klhrono<moi, keke<nwtai h[ pi<stij kai>
kath<rghtai
h[ e]paggeli<a,
for if they which are of the law are
heirs,
MOODS IN CONDITIONAL SENTENCES. 111
faith
is made void, and the promise is made of none effect. See also
Rom.
8:17; 11:16; 1 Cor.7:5, 8; 12:19; 1 Pet. 3:14. In 2 Cor.
11:16
ka@n
stands for kai> e]a>n de<chsqe.
274. (g) Ei] mh> without a dependent verb occurs very fre-
quently
in the sense of except. It may be followed by any
form
of expression which could have stood as subject or as
limitation
of the principal predicate. The origin of this usage
was
of course in a conditional clause the verb of which was
omitted
because it was identical with the verb of the apodosis.
Both
in classical and New Testament Greek the ellipsis is un-
conscious,
and the limitation is not strictly conditional, but ex-
ceptive.
Like the English except it states not a condition on
fulfilment
of which the apodosis is true or its action takes
place,
but a limitation of the principal statement. It is, how-
ever,
never in the New Testament purely adversative. Of.
Lift. on Gal. 1:7,
19.
275. (h) Ei] de> mh< and ei]
de> mh<ge
are used elliptically in the
sense
of otherwise, i.e. if so, or if not, to introduce an alterna-
tive
statement or command. Having become fixed phrases,
they
are used even when the preceding sentence is negative;
also
when the nature of the condition would naturally call for
lav
rather than d. Matt. 9:17; Luke 10:6; 13:9; Rev. 2:5.
G.MT. 478; B. p. 393.
276. (i) An omitted
apodosis is sometimes virtually con-
tained
in the protasis, and the latter expresses a possibility
which
is an object of hope or desire, and hence has nearly the
force
of a final clause. In some instances it approaches the
force
of an indirect question. G.MT.486-493.
In classical
Greek
such protases are introduced by ei] or e]a<n. In the New
Testament
they occur with ei] only, and take the Subjunctive,
Optative,
or Future Indicative.
112
THE MOODS.
Phil.
3:12; diw<kw de> ei] kai>
katala<bw,
but I press on, if so be that I
may apprehend.
Acts
27:12; oi[ plei<onej e@qento boulh>n
a]naxqh?nai e]kei?qen, ei@ pwj
su<nainto
katanth<santej ei]j Foi<nika paraxeima<sai, the more part
advised
to put to sea from thence, if by any means they could reach
Phoenix,
and winter there.
See also Mark 11:13; Acts 8:22; 17:27;
Rom. 1:10; 11:14; Phil. 3:11.
277. (j) After
expressions of wonder, etc., a clause
intro-
duced
by £L has nearly the force of a clause introduced by o!ti.
Mark
15:44; Acts 26:8; cf. 1 John 3:13.
MOODS IN CONCESSIVE SENTENCES.
278. A concessive
clause is a protasis that states a sup-
position
the fulfilment of which is thought of or represented
as
unfavorable to the fulfilment of the apodosis.
The force of a concessive sentence is
thus very different
from
that of a conditional sentence. The latter represents
the
fulfilment of the apodosis as conditioned on the fulfilment
of
the protasis; the former represents the apodosis as fulfilled
in
spite of the fulfilment of the protasis. Yet there are cases
in
which by the weakening of the characteristic force of each
construction,
or by the complexity of the elements expressed
by
the protasis, the two usages approach so near to each other
as
to make distinction between them difficult.
In Gal. 1:8, e.g., the fulfilment of the
element of the
protasis
expressed in par ]
o{ eu]hggelisa<meqa a is favorable to the
fulfilment
of the apodosis a]na<qema e@stw, and the clause
is so
far
forth conditional. But the element expressed in h[mei?j
h}
a@ggeloj e]c ou]ranou, which is
emphasized by the kai<, is unfavor-
able
to the fulfilment of the apodosis, and the clause is so far
forth
concessive. It might be resolved into two clauses, thus,
MOODS IN CONCESSIVE SENTENCES. 113
If anyone shall
preach unto you any gospel other than that we
preached unto
you [let him be anathema]; yea, though we or an
angel from
heaven so preach, let him be anathema.
279. A concessive
clause is commonly introduced by ei] (e]a<n)
kai< or kai> ei] (e]a<n). But a clause
introduced by ei] or e]a<n alone
may
also be in thought concessive, though the concessive
element
is not emphasiz.ed in the form. Matt. 26:33 (cf. Mark
14:29);
Mark 14:31 (cf. Matt. 26:35).
280. Ei]
(e]a<n) kai< concessive in
the New Testament generally
introduces
a supposition conceived of as actually fulfilled or
likely
to be fulfilled. See examples under 284, 285. Yet,
in
concessive as well as in conditional clauses (cf. 282),
Kat
may belong not to the whole clause but to the word next
after
it, having an intensive force, and suggesting that the
supposition
is in some sense or respect an extreme one, e.g.,
especially
improbable or especially unfavorable to the fulfil-
ment
of the apodosis. So probably Mark 14:29.
281. Kai> ei] (e]a<n) concessive
occurs somewhat rarely in the
New
Testament. See Matt. 26:35; John 8:16; 1 Cor. 8:5;
Gal.
1:8; 1 Pet. 3:1 (but cf. WH). The
force of the kai< is
apparently
intensive, representing the supposition as actually
or
from a rhetorical point of view an extreme case, improbable
in
itself, or specially unfavorable to the fulfilment of the
apodosis.
REM. Paley,
Greek Particles, p. 31, thus distinguishes the force of ei]
kai> and kai> ei], "generally with this difference, that ei] kai< implies an ad-
mitted
fact' even though,' kai> ei] a somewhat improbable supposition;
'even
if.'" See other statements and references in Th. ei]
III.7; and
especially
J. 861. It should be observed that a concessive supposition
may
be probable or improbable; it is not this or that that makes it con-
cessive,
but the fact that its fulfilment is unf.avorable to the fulfilment of
the
apodosis.
114
THE
MOODS.
282. Carefully to
be disting1lished from the cases of kai>
ei] (e]a<n) and ei]
(e]a<n) kai< concessive are
those in which ei] (e]a<n) is conditional
and kai< means
and
(Matt. 11:14; Luke 6:32, 33, 34; John 8:55, etc.), or also (Luke
11:18;
2 Cor. 11:15), or is simply intensive, emphasizing the following
word
and suggesting a supposition in some sense extreme (1 Cor. 4:7; 7:
11).
Such a supposition is not necessarily unfavorable to the fulfilment of
the
apodosis, and hence may be conditional however extreme. Cf. 280.
283.
Moods and Tenses in Concessive Clauses. In
their
use of moods and tenses concessive clauses follow in
general
the rules for conditional clauses. The variety of
usage
is in the New Testament, however, much less in the
case
of concessive clauses than of conditional clauses.
284. Concessive
clauses of the class corresponding to the
first
class of conditional sentences are most frequent in the
New
Testament. The event referred to in the concessive
clause
is in general not contingent, but conceived of as actual.
2
Cor. 7:8; o!ti
ei] kai> e]lu?phsa u[ma?j e]n t^? e]pistol^?, ou] metame<lomai,
for,
though [made you sorry with my epistle, I do not regret it. See
also Luke 18:4; 2 Cor. 4:16; 7:12; 11:6;
12:11; Phil. 2:17;
Col. 2:5; Heb. 6:9.
285. Concessive
clauses referring to the future occur in
two
forms.
(a) They take ei] kai< or ei], and a Future
Indicative referring
to
what is regarded as certain or likely to occur. In logical
force
this construction is closely akin to that discussed
under
246.
Luke
11:8; ei] kai> ou] dw<sei au]t&?
a]nasta>j dia> to> ei#nai fi<lon au]tou?, dia<
ge
th>n a]naidi<an au]tou? e]gerqei>j dw<sei au]t&? o!swn
xr^<zei,
though
he
will not rise and give him because he is his friend, yet because of his
importunity
he will arise and give him as many as he needeth. See
also Matt. 26:33; Mark 14:29.
MOODS IN CONCESSIVE SENTENCES. 115
(b)
They take e]a>n kai<, kai> e]a<n, with the Subjunctive
referring
to a future possibility, or what is rhetorically con-
ceived
to be possible. Kat eav introduces an extreme case,
usually
one which is represented as highly improbable.
Gal.
6:1: e]a>n kai> prolhmfq^? a@nqrwpoj
e@n tini paraptw<mati, u[mei?j oi[
pneumatikoi>
katarti<zete to>n toiou?ton e]n pneu<mati prau~thtoj,
even if a man be overtaken in any
tre.'rpass, ye which are spiritual, restore
such a one in a spirit of meekness.
Gal.
1:8; a]lla> kai> e]a>n h[mei?j h}
a@ggeloj e]c ou]ranou? eu]aggeli<shtai
[ u[mi?n ] par ] o{ eu]hggelisa<meqa u[mi?n, a]na<qema e@stw, but even if
we,
or an angel from heaven, preach unto you
any gospel other than that
which we preached unto you, let him be
anathema. See also Luke
22:67, 68; John 8:16; 10:38; Rom. 9:27.
REM. The apodosis after a concessive
protasis referring to the future,
sometimes
has a Present Indicative, affirming what is true and will still
be
true though the supposition of the protasis be fulfilled. See John
8:14;
1 Cor. 9:16. Cf. 263.
286. The New Testament
furnishes no clear instance of a concessive
clause
corresponding to the fourth class of conditional clauses. In 1 Pet.
3:14,
ei] kai> pa<sxoite dia> dikaiosu<nhn,
maka<rioi,
the use of kai< before
pa<sxoite suggests that
the writer has in mind that suffering is apparently
opposed
to blessedness. Yet it is probable that he intends to affirm that blessed-
ness
comes, not in spite of, but through, suffering for righteousness' sake.
(On
the thought cf. Matt. 5:10 f.) Thus the protasis suggests, even
intentionally,
a concession, but is, strictly speaking, a true causal con-
ditional
clause. Cf. 282.
287. The New
Testament instances of concessive clauses correspond-
ing
to the fifth class of conditional clauses are few, and the concessive
force
is not strongly marked. See 2 Tim. 2:5 (first clause) under 260;
2
Tim. 2:13.
288. C'oncessive
clauses in English are introduced by
though,
although, and even if, occasionally by if alone. Even
if
introduces an improbable supposition or one especially
unfavorable
to the fulfilment of the apodosis. Though and
116
THE MOODS.
although with the
Indicative usually imply an admitted fact.
With
the Subjunctive and Potential, with the Present Indica-
tive
in the sense of a Future, and with a Past tense of the
Indicative
in conditions contrary to fact, though
and although
have
substantially the same force as even if.
Even if thus
corresponds
in force very nearly to kai> ei]; though and
although
to
ei] kai<.
MOODS IN
RELATIVE CLAUSES.
289. Relative
Clauses are introduced by relative pronouns
and
by relative adverbs of time, place, and manner.
They
may be divided into two classes:
I. Definite Relative Clauses, i.e. clauses which refer to a
definite
and actual event or fact. The antecedent may be ex-
pressed
or understood. If not in itself definite, it is made so
by
the definiteness of the relative clause.
II. Indefinite or Conditional Relative
Clauses, i.e. clauses
which
refer not to a definite and actual event, but to a sup-
posed
event or instance, and hence imply a condition. The
antecedent
may be expressed or understood; if expressed, it is
usually
some indefinite or generic word.
290. It should be observed that the
distinction between the definite
and
the indefinite relative clause cannot be drawn simply by reference
to
the relative pronoun employed, or to the word which stands as the
antecedent
of the relative. A definite relative clause may be introduced
by
an indefinite relative pronoun or may have an indefinite pronoun as
its
antecedent. On the other hand, an indefinite relative clause may
have
as its antecedent a definite term, e.g.,
a demonstrative pronoun, and
may
be introduced by the simple relative. A clause and its antecedent
are
made .definite by the reference of the clause to a definite and actual
event;
they are made indefinite by the reference of the clause to a sup-
posed
event or instance. Thus if one say, He
received whatever profit
was made, meaning, In a certain transaction, or in certain
transactions,
profit was made,
and he received it,
the relative clause is definite, because
MOODS IN RELATIVE CLAUSES 117
it
refers to an actual event or series of events. But if one use the same
words
meaning, If any profit was made, he received it, the relative clause
is
indefinite, because it implies a condition, referring to an event--the
making
of profit-which is only supposed. In John 1: 12, but as many
as received him,
to them gave he the right to become children of God, we
are
doubtless to understand the relative clause as definite, not because
of
the expressed antecedent, them, but because the clause refers to a
certain
class who actually received him. In Rom. 8: 24, on the other
hand,
who hopeth for that which he seeth?
the relative clause apparently
does
not refer to a definite thing seen and an actual act of seeing, but
is
equivalent to a conditional clause, if he
seeth anything. In Mark 3:11,
whensoever they
beheld him, they fell down before him, the form of the
Greek
sentence shows that the meaning is, If at
any time they sa'to him,
they were wont
to fall down before him. That is, while the class of events
is
actual, the relative clause presents the successive instances distribu-
tively
as suppositions. These examples serve to show how slight may
be
the difference at times between a definite and an indefinite relative
clause,
and that it must often be a matter of choice for the writer whether
he
will refer to an event as actual, or present it as a supposition.
291. Relative clauses denoting purpose,
and relative clauses
introduced
by e!wj and other words meaning until, show special
peculiarities
of usage and require separate discussion. For
purposes
of treatment therefore we must recognize four classes
of
relative clauses.
I. Definite relative clauses, excluding
those which express
purpose,
and those introduced by words meaning until.
II. Indefinite or Conditional relative
clauses, excluding
those
which express purpose, and those introduced by words
meaning
until.
III. Relative clauses expressing
purpose.
IV. Relative clauses introduced by words
meaning until.
I. DEFINITE
RELATIVE CLAUSES.
292. Under the head of definite relative
clauses are included
not
only adjective clauses introduced by relative pronouns, o!j,
118
THE
MOODS.
o!stij, oi$oj, o!soj, but all
clauses of time, place, manner, and com-
parison,
such clauses being introduced by relative words, either
pronouns,
or adverbs, o!te, w[j (expressing
either time or man-
ner),
o!pou,
w!sper,
etc.
293.
Moods in Definite Relative Clauses. Definite
relative
clauses in general (excluding III. and IV. above)
show
no special uses of mood and tense, but employ the
verb
as it is used in principal cIa uses. EA. 909; G. 1427.
John
6:63; ta> r[hmata a{ e]gw> lela<lhka
u[mi?n pneu?ma< e]stin kai> zwh<
e]stin, the words that
I have spoken unto you are spirit, and are life.
John
12:36; w[j to> fw?j e@xete, pisteu<ete
ei]j to> fw?j,
while ye have the
light, believe on the light.
Gal.
4.4. o!te de> h#lqen to> plh<rwma
tou? xro<nou, e]cape<steilen o[ qeo>j
to>n
ui[o>n au]tou?,
but when the fulness of the time came, God sent forth
his son.
Jas.
2:26; w!sper
to> sw?ma xwri>j pneu<matoj nekro<n e]stin, ou!twj kai>
h[
pi<stij xwri>j e@rgwn nekra< e]stin, as the body apart from the spirit
is dead, even so faith apart from
'lvorks is dead.
Rev.
3:11; kra<tei o{ e@xeij, hold fast that
which thou hast.
Rev.
21:16; kai> to> mh?koj au]th?j o!son
to> pla<toj,
and the length thereof
is as great as the breadth. Cf. Heb.
10:25. See also Matt. 26:19;
Col.
2:6.
294. A definite
relative clause may imply a relation of
cause,
result, or concession, without affecting the mood or tense
of
the verb. HA. 910; G. 1445.
Rom.
6:2. oi!tinej a]peqa<nomen t^?
a[marti<%, pw?j e@ti zh<somen e]n au]t^?,
we who died to sin, how shall we any
longer live therein?
Jas.
4:13, 14; a@ge nu?n oi[ le<gontej Sh<meron
h} au@rion poreuso<meqa
ei]j
th>nde th>n po<lin kai> poih<somen e]kei? e]niauto>n kai>
e]mporeuso<meqa
kai> kerdh<somen: oi!tinej ou]k e]pi<stasqe th?j au@rion
poi<a
h[ zwh> u[mw?n,
go to now, ye that say, To-day or to-morrow
we will go into this city,
and spend a year there and trade and get
gain " tvhereas [i.e.
although] ye know not of what sort your
life will be on the morrow.
MOODS IN RELATIVE CLAUSES. 119
295. All relative
clauses whether adjective or adverbial may
be
distinguished as either restrictive or explanatory. A re-
strictive
clause defines its antecedent, indicating what person,
thing,
place, or manner is signified. An explanatory clause
adds
a description to what is already known or sufficiently
defined.
The former identifies, the latter describes.
Restrictive
clauses: John 15:20; mnhmoneu<ete tou? lo<gou ou$
e]gw> ei#pon
u[mi?n, remember the
word that I said unto you.
Matt.
28:6; deu?te i@dete to>n to<pon o!pou
e@keito,
come, see the place where
he lay.
Mark
2:20; e]leu<sontai
de> h[me<rai o!tan a]parq^? a]p ] au]tw?n o[ numfi<oj
but days will come when the bridegroom
shall be taken away from them.
Explanatory clauses: Luke 4:16; kai> h#lqen ei]j Nazara<, ou$ h$n teqram-
me<noj,
and
he came to Nazareth, where he had been brought up.
Eph.
6:17; th>n ma<xairan tou?
pneu<matoj, o! e]stin r[h?ma qeou?, the sword
of the Spirit, which is the word of God.
II. CONDITIONAL
RELATIVE SENTENCES.
296. An indefinite
relative clause, since it refers to a sup-
posed
event or instance, implies a condition, and is therefore
called
a conditional relative clause. HA. 912; G. 1428.
Mark
10: 43; o
whosoever would
become great among you, shall be your minister. Cf.
Mark
9:35; ei@ tij qe<lei prw?toj ei#nai e@stai
pa<ntwn e@sxatoj kai>
pa<ntwn
dia<konoj. It is evident that the relative clause in the
former
passage is as really conditional as the
conditional clause in the
latter.
297. Since a
conditional relative clause implies a supposi-
tion,
conditional relative sentences may be classified according
to
the nature of the implied supposition, as other conditional
sentences
are classified according to the expressed sup-
position.
120
THE
MOODS.
298. The implied
supposition may be particular or general.
When
the relative clause refers to a particular supposed event
or
instance, and the principal clause conditions its assertion on
the
occurrence of this event, the implied supposition is partic-
ular.
When the relative clause refers to any occurrence of an
act
of a certain class, and the principal clause states what is
or
was wont to take place in any instance of an act of the
class
supposed, the implied supposition is general.
Thus in the sentence, The act which he believes to be wrong he
will not
do, if reference is
had to a particular occasion, or to one made particular
in
thought, so that the sentence means, If
on that occasion, or a certain
occasion, he
believes an act to be wrong, he will not do it, the implied
supposition
is particular. But in the sentence, Whatever
act he [in any
instance]
believes to be wrong, he does not [is not wont to] do, the implied
supposition
is general. Cf. 239.
299. The
distinction between the relative clause implying a particular
I
supposition and the relative clause implying a general supposition is not
marked
either in Greek or in English by any uniform difference in the
pronouns
employed either in the relative clause or in the antecedent
clause.
The terms particular and general apply not to the relative or its
antecedent,
but to the implied supposition. Thus if one say, He received
whatever profit
was made,
meaning, If [in a certain transaction]
any
1 profit was
made, he received it,
the relative clause implies a particular
!
coudition. But if one use the same words, meaning, If [in any transac-
.tion] any
profit toas made, [it was wont to happen that] he received it, the
implied
condition is general. So also in John 1:33, upon
whomsoever
thou shalt see
the lS'pirit descending, and abiding upon him, the same is
he that
baptizeth with the Holy Spirit, we have not a general principle
applying
to anyone of many cases, but a supposition and an assertion
referring
to a particular case. But in 1 John 3:22, whatsoever
we ask, we
receive of him, the
supposition refers to any instance of asking, and is
general.
Whether the implied supposition is
particular or general can usually
be
most clearly discerned from the nature of the principal clause. If
Ithis
states what is true in a particular case, or expresses a command with
reference
to a particular case, the implied supposition is particular. If
it
states a general principle, or expresses a general injunction which
MOODS IN RELATIVE CLAUSES. 121
applies
in any instance of the event described in the relative clause, the
implied
supposition is usually general. Cf. 240.
300. Of the six
classes of conditional relative sentences
found
in classical Greek, but four occur in the New Testament,
and
these with considerable deviation from classical usage.
They
are designated here according to the kind of condition
implied
in the relative clause.
301.
A. Simple Present or Past Particular suppo-
sition. The relative
clause states a particular supposition
which
refers to th~ pr~sent or past.. I~ has a present or past
tense
of the IndicatIve. The princIpal clause may have
any
form of the verb. EA. 914, A; G. 1430.
Rom.
2:12; o!soi ga>r a]no<mwj h!marton,
a]no<mwj kai> a]polou?ntai: kai>
o!soi e]n
no<m& h!marton, dia> no<mou kriqh<sontai, for as many as have
sinned without law shall also perish without
law: and as many as have
sinned under law shall be J"udged
by law.
Phil
4:8; to>
loipo<n, a]delfoi<, o!sa e]sti>n a]lhqh?, o!sa semna<, o!sa
di<kaia,
o!sa
a[gna<, o!sa prosfilh?, o!sa eu@fhma, ei@ tij a]reth> kai> ei@ tij
e@painoj,
tau?ta logi<zesqe.
See also 2 Cor. 2:10.
REM. Respecting the use of the negatives
mh<
and ou] in relative clauses
of
this class, see 469, 470.
302. B. Supposition contrary to Fact. The rela-
tive
clause states a supposition which refers to the present
or
past implying that it is not, or was not, fulfilled. It
has
a past tense of the IndicatIve. The prIncIpal clause has
a
past tense of the Indicative with avo HA. 915; G. 1433.
No
instance occurs in the New Testament.
303.
C. Future Supposition with More Probability.
The
relative clause states a supposition which refers to the
122
THE
MOODS.
future,
suggesting some probability of its fulfilment. It
has
the Subjunctive with llv. The principal clause may
have
any form referring to future time. B.A. 916; G.1434.
Matt.
5:19; o
basilei<%
tw?n ou]ranw?n,
but whosoever shall do and teach them, he shall
be called great in the kingdom of
heaven.
Mark
13:11; kai> o!tan a@gwsin u[ma?j
paradido<ntej, mh> promerimna?te ti<
lalh<shte,
a]ll ] o{ e]a>n doq^? u[mi?n e]n e]kei<n^ t^? w!ra tou?to lalei?te,
ou]
ga<r e]ste u[mei?j oi[ lalou?ntej a]lla> to> pneu?ma to> a!gion, and when
they
lead you to judgment, and deliver you up, be not anxious before-
hand
what ye shall speak: but whatsoever shall be given you in that
hour,
that .peak ye: for it is not ye that speak, but the Holy Ghost.
See also I.iuke 13:25; Rev. 11:7;
instances are very frequent in
the New Testament.
304. In the New
Testament iciJl not infrequently stands in a condi-
tional
relative clause instead of the simple !JI. Matt. 7 : 12; Mark 3 : 28 ;
Luke
9: 57; Acts 2: 21, et al. See WE: II. App. p. 173.
305. The
Subjunctive with av in a relative clause is in the
New
Testament usually retained in indirect discourse, or in a
sentence
having the effect of indirect discourse, even after a
past
tense. Matt. 14: 7; Rev. 12: 4. Of. 251. On Acts 25: 16
see
333, 344, Rem. 1.
306. In addition to
the relative clause having the Subjunc-
tive
with ctv (303), which is the regular form both in classical
and
New Testament Greek, the following forms of the relative
clause
also require mention as occurring in the New Testa-
ment
to express a future supposition with more probability:
307. (a) The
Subjunctive without ctv. This is very unusual
in
classical Greek in relative clauses referring to the future.
In
the New Testament also it is rare. J as. 2: 10 probably
belongs
here; Matt. 10: 33 also, if (with Treg.
and WH. text)
we
read o!stij
de> a]rnh<shtai< me . . . a]rnh<somai.
MOODS IN RELATIVE CLAUSES. 123
308. (b) The Future Indicative with or
without av.
Matt,
5:41; o!stij
se a]ggareu<sei mi<lion e{n, u!page met ] au]tou? du<o, who
soever
shall compel thee to go one mile, go with him two. See also
Matt. 10:32 (cf. v. 33); .18:4 (cf. v.
5); 23:12; Mark 8:35;
Luke 12:8,10; 17:31; Acts 7:7; Rev. 4:9.
Cf. WH. II. App.
p. 172.
309. (c) The
Present Indicative with or without a@n.
Mark
11:25; o!tan sth<kete proseuxo<menoi,
a]fi<ete, whensoever ye
stand
praying,
forgive.
See also Matt. 5: 39; Luke 12: 34; John 12: 26;
14:3.
310. There is no
distinction in form either in Greek or in English
between
a relative clause implying a particular supposition, and a relative
clause
implying a general supposition, when the supposition refers to the
future.
The difference in thought is the same as that which distinguishes
particular
and general suppositions referring to the present or past. Cf.
298,
299. In Matt. 26:48, whomsoever I shall kiss, that is he, the sup-
position
is particular, referring to a specific occasion and event. So also
in
1 Cor. 16:3. But in Luke 9:4, into whatsoever house ye enter, there
abide,
and thence depart, the supposition is general, referring to anyone
of
a class of acts. A large part of the conditional relative clauses referring
to
the future found in the New Testament are apparently general. See,
e.g.,
Matt. 5:19; 10:14; 16:25; Mark 11:23; Luke 8:18, etc. Yet
in
many cases it is possible to suppose that a particular imagined instance
was
before the mind of the writer as an illustration of the general class
of
cases.
311. D. Future Supposition with Less Probability.
The
relative clause states a supposition which refers to the
future,
suggesting less probability of its fulfilment than is
implied
by the Subjunctive with c1:v. It has the Optative
witlwut
a@n.
The principal clause has the Optative with
a@n. HA.
917; G. 1436.
No instance occurs in the New Testament.
312. E. Present General Supposition. The relative
clause
refers to any occurrence of a class of acts in the
124
THE
MOODS.
general
present, and the principal clause states what is
wont
to take place in any instance of the act referred to
in
the relative clause. The relative clause has the Sub-
junctive
with a@n, the principal clause the Present In-
dicative.
HA. 914, B. (1); G. 1431, 1.
1Cor.
11:26; o[sa<kij ga>r e]a>n
e]sqi<hte to>n a@rton tou?ton kai> to> poth<rion
pi<nhte,
to>n qa<naton tou? kuri<ou katagge<llete, a@xri ou$ e@lq^, for
as
often
as ye eat this bread, and drink the cup, ye proclaim the Lord's
death,
till he come.
See also Matt. 15 : 2j Mark 10 : 11; Rev. 9 : 5.
REM. Concerning the use of e]a<n for a@n, see 304.
313. The Present
Indicative not infrequently occurs in con-
ditional
relative clauses which apparently imply a present
general
supposition. G.MT. 534. Yet in most such passages
in
the New Testament, it is possible that a particular imagined
instance
in the present or future is before the mind as an
illustration
of the general class of cases. Of. 301, 309. It is
scarcely
possible to decide in each case whether the supposi-
tion
is particular or general. The difference of meaning is in
any
case slight.
Luke
14:27; o!stij
ou] basta<zei to>n stauro>n e[autou? kai> e@rxetai o]pi<sw
mou, ou]
du<natai ei#nai< mou maqhth<j,
whosoever doth not bear his own
cross
and come after me, cannot be my disciple. See also Matt. 10:38
13:12 (cf. Luke8:18); Luke7:47; John3:8;
Rom.6:16; 9:18;
1 Cor. 15:36, 37; Heb. 12:6.
314. Concerning the
similarity of the third and fifth classes of condi-
tional
relative clauses, cf. 262. The statements there made respecting
ordinary
conditional sentences are applicable also to conditional relative
sentences.
See Mark 8:28, 29; Luke 9:24, 48; 1 John 8:22.
315. F. Past General Supposition. The relative
clause
refers
to any occurrence of a certam act or class of acts,
and
the principal clause states what was wont to take
MOODS IN RELATIVE CLAUSES. 125
place
in any instance of the act referred to in the relative
clause.
In classical Greek, the relative clause has the Op-
tative
without ll:v, the principal clause the Imperfect Indic-
ative.
HA. 914, B. (2); G. 1431, 2.
In the New Testament, the Optative does
not occur
in
such clauses, the Imperfect or Aorist Indicative with
a@n being used instead. Cf. 26.
Mark
3:11; kai>
ta> pneu<mata ta> a]ka<qarta, o!tan au]to>n e]qew<roun, pros-
e<pipton
au]t&? kai> e@krazon, and the
unclean spirits, whensoever they
beheld
him, were wont to fall down before him and cry out. See also
Mark 6:56; 11:19; Acts 2:45; 4:35; 1
Cor. 12:2; ct. Gen.
2:19; 1 Sam. 2:13, 14.
316. In the New Testament, relative
clauses conditional in
form
are sometimes definite in force.
Mark 2:20; e]leu<sontai de> h[me<rai o!tan a]parq^? a]p au]tw?n o[
numfi<oj,
but days will come when the bridegroom
shall be taken away from them. See
also Luke 5:35; 13:28; Rev. 8:1.
III.
RELATIVE CLAUSES EXPRESSING PURPOSE.
317. Relative Clauses of Pure Purpose.
Relative
clauses
expressing purpose take the Future Indicative
both
in classical and New Testament Greek. HA.
911
G. 1442; B. p. 229; WM. p. 386, f. n.
Matt.
21:41; to>n a]mpelw?na e]kdw<setai
a@lloij gewrgoi?j, oi!tinej a]po-
dw<sousin
au]t&? tou>j karpou<j, he will let
out the vineyard unto other
husbandmen,
which shall render him the fruits. See also Acts 6:3.
318. Complementary
relative clauses expressing that for
which
a person or thing is fitted, or other similar relation, take
the
Subjunctive or the Future Indicative both in classical and
New
Testament Greek. G.MT. 572; Hale in T.A.P.A. 1893,
pp.
156 ff.
126
THE
MOODS.
Heb.
8:3; o!qen a]nagkai?on e@xein ti kai>
tou?ton o{ prosene<gk^,
wherefore
it
is necessary that this high priest also have somewhat to offer. See also
Mark 14:14; Luke 11:6; 22:11. In Luke
7:4 a complementary
relative clause limiting the adjective a@cioj
has the Future Indicative.
319. The clauses
referred to in 318 are to be distinguished from true
relative
clauses of purpose in that they do not express the purpose with
which
the action denoted by the principal clause is done, but constitute a
complementary
limitation of the principal clause. Of. the clause with
i!na (215-217) and the Infinitive (368)
expressing a similar relation.
The Subjunctive in such clauses is
probably in origin a Deliberative
Subjunctive.
Thus in Mark 14:14, pou? e]sti>n to> kata<luma<
mou o!pou to>
pa<sxa
meta> tw?n maqhtw?n mou fa<gw, the relative clause o!pou . . . fa<gw reproduces in dependent construction the
thought of the deliberative
question pou?.
. . fa<gw.
The same explanation doubtless applies, though
less obviously, to the Subjunctive in
Acts 21:16, and to the Future in
Luke 7:4. In both instances the thought
of a deliberative question is
reproduced in the relative clause. Of.
the clauses similar in force, but
employing an interrogative pronoun, 346.
See Tarbell in Cl. Rev. July
1891, p. 302 (contra, Earle in OZ.
Re'/). March 1892, pp. 93-95); Hale
in T.A.P.A., 1893.
320. The Optative
sometimes occurs after a past tense in these delib-
erative
relative clauses in classical Greek. There are, however, no New
Testament
instances of the Optative so used.
IV. RELATIVE CLAUSES INTRODUCED BY WORDS
MEANING
UNTIL, W RILE,
AND BEFORE.
321. !Ewj is
properly a relative adverb which marks one
action
as the temporal limit of another action. It does this
in
two ways, either (a) so that the beginning or simple occur-
rence
of the action of the verb introduced by twr; is the limit
of
the action denoted by the principal verb, .or (b) so that the
continuance
of the former is the limit of the latter. In the
former
case twr; means until, in the latter, while, as long as.
On the classical use of twr; and similar
words, see HA. 920-
924;
G. 1463-1474; G.MT. 611-661; Gild. in
A..J.P. IV.
MOODS IN RELATIVE CLAUSES. 127
416-418.
On e!wj in Hellenistic
Greek see G. W; Gilmore in
J.B.L.,
1890, pp. 153-160.
322. Clauses
Introduced by [rot; and referring to the
Future.
When the clause introduced by [rot; depends on
a
verb of future time, and refers to a future contingency, it
takes
the Subjunctive with liv both in classical and New
Testament
Greek.
Mark 6:10; e]kei? me<nete e!wj a}n e]ce<lqhte e]kei?qen, there abide till ye
depart
thence.
See also Matt. 5: 18; 12: 20; Luke 9: 27; 1 Cor. 4: 5.
323. In classical
Greek, especially in tragic poetry, the
Subjunctive
without av sometimes occurs with talf; after a
verb
of present or future time. G.MT. 620. In the New
Testament
this construction is frequent.
Luke
15:4; kai>
poreu<etai e]pi> to> a]polwlo>j e!wj eu!r^ au]to<, after that which
is lost, until he find it. See also Matt.
10 : 23; Luke
12:59; 22:34.
324. Clauses Introduced by e!wj and referring
to
what was in Past
Time a Future Contingency. When
the
clause introduced by [rot; depends on a verb of past
time
and refers to what was at the time of the principal
verb
conceived of as a future contingency, it takes the
Optative
without liv in classical Greek. In the New Tes-
tament
it takes the Subjunctive without liv.
Matt.
18:30; e@balen au]to>n ei]j fulakh>n
e!wj a]pod&? to> o]feilo<menon,
he
cast him into prison till he should pay that which was due.
325. The Subjunctive after e!wj
in the New Testament is always an
Aorist,
the action denoted being conceived of as a simple event, and e!wj
meaning
properly until. Thus the accurate translation of Mark 14:32
(Matt.
26:36 is similar), kaqi<sate w$de e!wj proseu<cwmai, is, Sit ye here till
128
THE
MOODS.
I pray, or have prayed (cf. 98). While I pray CR. Y.) is slightly para-
phrastic.
Cf. Luke 17:8.
326.
Clauses Introduced by e!wj (until) and
referring
to a Past Fact. When e!wj
means until and the clause
introduced
by it refers to an actual past occurrence? the
verb
of this clause is in a past tense of the Indicative, as in
an
ordinary relative clause referring to past time.
Matt.
2:9; o[ a]sth<r . . . proh?gen
au]tou<j, e!wj e]lqw>n e]sta<qh e]pa<nw ou$
h#n
to> paidi<on,
star. . . went before them, till it came and stood
over where the young child was.
327.
Clauses Introduced by e!wj (while) and
referring
to a
Contemporaneous Event.
When e!wj means while
and
the clause introduced by it refers to an event contem-
poraneous
with that of the principal verb, it has the con-
struction
of an ordinary relative clause. Of. 293.
John
9:4; h[ma?j
dei? e]rga<zesqai ta> e@rga tou? pe<myantoj me e!wj h[me<ra
e]sti<n, we must work the works of him that sent me,
while it is day.
328. In John 21:
22, 23; 1 Tim. 4:13, the exact meaning of e!wj
e@rxomai at is probably while I am coming,
the coming being conceived of as
in
progress from the time of speaking. Cf. Luke 9:13. In 1 Cor. 4:5
on
the other hand it is thought of as a future event. In Mark 6:45 e!wj
a]polu<ei represents e!wj
a]polu<w of the direct form (cf. 347), the original
sentence
meaning, go before me while I am sending away, etc.
329. When the e!wj
clause refers to the future or to what was at the
time
of the principal verb the future (322-326), it frequently has the
force
of a conditional relative clause. See Matt. 18:30; Luke 15:4.
When
it refers to an actual event (327, 328), it is an ordinary temporal
clause
(293), requiring special mention here only to distinguish these
usages
from those described above.
330. In the New Testament e!wj
is sometimes followed by ou$ or o!tou.
! Ewj
is
then a preposition governing the genitive of the relative pronoun,
MOODS IN RELATIVE CLAUSES. 129
but
the phrase e!wj ou$ or e!wj o!tou is in effect a compound conjunction hav-
ing
the same force as the simple e!wj. The
construction following it is
also
the same, except that dv never occurs after e!wj ou$ or e!wj o@tou. See
Matt.
5:25; 13:33; John 9:18; Acts 23:12.
331. Clauses introduced by a@xri,
a@xri ou$, a@xri h$j
h[me<raj, me<xri
and me<xrij
ou$
have in general the same construction and force
as clauses introduced by e!wj, e!wj ou$, and e!wj
o!tou.
Mark
13:30 ou] mh> pare<lq^ h[ genea>
au!th me<xrij ou$ tau?ta pa<nta
ge<nhtai.
Acts
7:18; hu@chsen
o[ lao>j kai> e]plhqu<nqh e]n Ai]gu<pt&, a@xri ou$
a]ne<sth
baskileu>j e!teroj e]p ] Ai@gupton. See also Rev. 15:8; 20:3;
Luke 17:27; Acts 27:33.
Rev.
7:3; mh>
a]dikh<shte th>n gh?n . . . a@xri sfragi<swmen tou>j dou<louj
tou?
qeou?.
332. Gal. 3:19 [WH. text] furnishes one instance of a@xrij
a@n
with a
word
meaning until after a verb of past time [WH. 7Il.argin, Tisch., and
Treg.
read a@xrij ou$]; cf.324. Rev.
2:25 contains the combination a@xri
ou$ a@n with the Future Indicative; cf.
330. Rev, 17:17 contains a Future
Indicative
with a@xri after a past tense.
333. Clauses introduced by pri<n and employing a finite
mood
have in general the same construction as clauses intro-
duced
by e!wj.
The New Testament, however, contains but
two instances of a finite
verb
after pri<n, Luke 2:26; Acts 25:16. In both
cases the clause is in
indirect
discourse, and expresses what was from the point of view of the
original
statement a future contingency. In Luke 2:26 the Subjunctive
with
a@n
is retained from the direct discourse. In Acts 25:16 the Optative
represents
a Subjunctive with or without dv of the direct discourse.
Cf.
341-344.
REM. 1. The employment of a finite mood
rather than an Infinitive
in
these instances is in accordance with classical usage. Cf. 382, and
G.
1470.
REM. 2. In Acts 25:16 h@
occurs after pri<n, and in Luke 2:26 it
appears
as a strongly attested variant reading. Attic writers used the
simple
pri<n with the finite moods. Cf. 381.
130
THE
MOODS.
MOODS IN
INDffiECT DISCOURSE.
334. When words once uttered or thought
are afterward
quoted,
the quotation may be either direct or indirect. In a
direct
quotation the original statement is repeated without
incorporation
into the structure of the sentence in the midst of
which
it now stands. In an indirect quotation the original
sentence
is incorporated into a new sentence as a subordinate
element
dependent upon a verb of saying, thinking, or the like,
if
and suffers such modification as this incorporation requires.
The
following example will illustrate:
Original sentence (direct discourse), I will come.
Direct quotation, He said, "I will come."
Indirect quotation, He said that he would come.
REM. The distinction between direct
discourse and indirect is not one
of
the exactness of the quotation. Direct quotation may be inexact. In-
direct
quotation may be exact. Suppose, for example, that the original
statement
was, There are good reasons why I should
act thus. If one say,
He said, "I
have good reasons for acting thus," the quotation is direct
but
inexact. If one say, He said that there
'Were good reasons 'Why he
should act thus, the quotation
is exact though indirect.
335. Direct
quotation manifestly requires no special discus-
sion,
since the original statement is simply transferred to the
If
new sentence without incorporation into its structure.
336. Indirect
quotation, on the other hand, involving a re-
adjustment
of the original sentence to a new point of view,
calls
for a determination of the principles on which this re-
adjustment
is made. Its problem is most simply stated in
the
form of the question, What change does the original form
of
a sentence undergo when incorporated into a new sentence
as
an indirect quotation? All consideration of the principles
MOODS IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 131
of
indirect discourse must take as its starting point the origi-
nal
form of the words quoted.
For the student of Greek that
expresses his own thought in
another
language, it will also be necessary to compare the
idiom
of the two languages. See 351 ff.
337.
The term indirect discourse is commonly applied only
to
indirect assertions and indirect questions. Commands,
promises,
and hopes indirectly quoted might without impro-
priety
be included under the term, but are, in general, ex-
cluded
because of the difficulty of drawing the line between
them
and certain similar usages, in which, however, no direct
form
can be thought of. Thus the Infinitive after a verb of
commanding
might be considered the representative in indi-
rect
discourse of an Imperative in the direct discourse; some-
what
less probably the Infinitive after a verb of wishing might
be
supposed to represent an Optative of the direct; while for
the
Infinitive after verbs of striving, which in itself can
scarcely
be regarded as of different force from those after
verbs
of commanding and wishing, no direct form can be
thought
of.
338.
Concerning commands indirectly quoted, see 204.. Con-
cerning
the Infinitive after verbs of promising, see 391.
339.
Indirect assertions in Greek take three forms:
(a) A clause introduced by o!ti
or w[j. In the New Testa-
ment,
however, w[j not so used.
(b) An Infinitive with its subject
expressed or understood.
See
390.
(c) A Participle agreeing with the
object of a verb of per-
ceiving,
and the like. See 4.60.
132
THE
MOODS.
340.
Indirect Questions are introduced by ei] or other inter-
rogative
word; the verb is in a finite mood. HA. 930; G.
1605.
341.
Classical Usage in Indirect Discourse. In indi-
rect
assertions after o!ti and in indirect questions, classical
usage
is as follows:
(a) When the leading verb on which the
quotation de-
pends
denotes present or future time, the mood and tense
of
the direct discourse are retained in the indirect.
(b) When the leading verb on which the
quotation de-
pends
denotes past time, the mood and tense of the direct
discourse
may be retained in the indirect, or the tense may
be
retained and an Indicative or Subjunctive of the direct
discourse
may be changed to an Optative. EA. 932; G.
1497.
342.
The above rule applies to all indirect quotations in
which
the quotation is expressed by a finite verb, and includes
indirect
quotations of simple sentences and both principal and
subordinate
clauses of complex sentences indirectly quoted.
The classical grammars enumerate
certain constrnctions in which an
Indicative
of the original sentence is uniformly retained in the indirect
discourse.
These cases do not, however, require treatment here, the gen-
eral
rule being sufficient as a basis for the consideration of New Testament
usage.
343.
New Testament Usage in Indirect Discourse. In
indirect
assertions after o!ti and in indirect questions, New
Testament
usage is in general the same as classical usage.
Such
peculiarities as exist pertain chiefly to the relative
frequency
of different usages. See 344-349.
MOODS IN
INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 133
John
11:27; e]gw> pepi<steuka o!ti su> ei# o[ xristo>j
o[ ui[o>j tou? qeou?
I have believed that thou art the
Christ, the Son of God.
Gal.
2:14; ei#don o!ti ou]k o]rqopodou?sin, I saw that thell were not walking
uprightly.
Matt.
20:10; e]lqo<ntej oi[ prw?toi e]no<misan o!ti plei?on
lh<myontai,
when the first came, thell supposed that they would
receive more.
Mark
9:6; ou] ga>r ^@dei ti< a]pokriq^?, for he wist not wh,at to answer.
Luke
8:9; e]phrw<twn
de> au]to>n oi[ maqhtai> au]tou? ti<j au!th ti<j au!th ei@h h[
parabolh<
and his
disciples asked him what this parable was.
Luke
24:23; h#lqan le<gousai kai>
o]ptasi<an a]gge<lwn e[wrake<nai, oi{
le<gousin
au]to>n z^?n,
they came salling that they had also seen
a vision
of angels, which said that he was
alive.
In this example the principal
clause of the direct discourse is
expressed in the indirect discourse
after a verb of past time by an
Infinitive, while the subordinate
clause retains the tense and mood of
the original.
Acts
5:24; dihpo<roun
peri> au]tw?n ti< a}n ge<noito tou?to, they were per-
plexed concerning them whereunto this
would grow.
Bnt for a@n in
this sentence, it might be thought
that the direct form was a
deliberative question having the
Subjunctive or Fnture Indicative.
But in the absence of evidence that av
was ever added to an
Optative arising under the law of
indirect discourse, it must be
supposed that the indirect discourse
has preserved the form of
the direct unchanged, and that this
was therefore a Potential
Optative with protasis omitted. See
also Luke 6: 11; 15: 26 ;
Acts 10:17.
344. The Optative occurs in indirect
discourse much less I
frequently
in the New Testament than in classical Greek. II
It
is found only in Luke's writings, and there almost exclusive- I
ly
in indirect questions.
REM:. 1. Acts 25:16 contains the only
New Testament instance of an
Optative
in the indirect quotation of a declarative sentence. (But cf.
347
and 258. ) It here stands in a subordinate clause which in the direct
discourse
would have had a Subjunctive with or without a@n. If the a@n,
be
supposed
to have been in the original sentence (cf. Luke 2: 26), it has
been
dropped in accordance with regular usage in such cases. HA.934;
G.
1497, 2.11
134 THE MOODS.
REM. 2. The clause mh<pote d&<h [or dw<^] au]toi?j o[ qeo>j meta<noian
in 2 Tim. 2:25 is regarded by B. p.
256, Moulton, WM. pp. 374, 631, foot
notes, as an indirect question. But
concerning the text and the
interpretation, see 225.
345.
In quoting declarative sentences the indirect form. is
comparatively
infrequent in the New Testament, the direct
form
either with or without o!ti
being
much more frequent.
The
presence of o!ti before a quotation is in the New
Testament
therefore
not even presumptive evidence that the quotation is
indirect.
The OTt is of course redundant.
Luke
7:48; ei#pen
de> au]t^? ]Afe<wntai< sou ai[
a[marti<ai, and he said
unto her, Thy sins are forgiven.
John
9:9; e]kei?noj e@legen o!ti ]Egw< ei]mi, he said I am he.
REM. The redundant o!ti
sometimes occurs even before a direct ques-
tion.
Mark 4:21, et al.
346.
Indirect deliberative questions are sometimes found
after
e@xw
and other similar verbs which do not properly take a
question
as object. The interrogative clause in
this case serves
the
purpose of a relatIve clause and Its antecedent, while retain-
ing
the form which shows its origin in a deliberative question.
Mark
6:36; i!na
. . . a]gora<swsin e[autoi?j ti<
fa<gwsin,
that . . . they
may buy themselves somewhat to eat.
Luke
9:58; o[
de> ui[o>j tou? a]nqrw<pou ou]k e@xei pou? th>n kefalh>n
kli<n^,
but the Son of
man hath not where to lay his head. See also Matt.
8:20; Mark 8:1, 2; Luke 12:17.
347. The principles of indirect
discourse apply to all sub-
ordinate
clauses which express indirectly the thoughts of
another
or of the speaker himself, even when the construc-
tion
is not strictly that of indirect discourse. HA. 937; G.
1502.
See New Testament examples under 258.
348. Both in classical and New
Testament Greek, the Im-
perfect
occasionally stands in indirect discourse after a verb of
MOODS IN
INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 135
past
time as the representative of a Present of the direct dis-
course,
and a Pluperfect as the representative of the Perfect.
Thus
exceptional Greek usage coincides with regular English
usage.
HA. 936; G. 1489.
John
2:25; au]to>j ga>r e]ginwsken ti<
h#n e]n t&? a]nqrw<p&, knew what was in
man. See also Acts 19:32.
349. In classical Greek, o!stij
is used in introducing indirect
questions.
HA. 1011; G. 1600. In the New Testament it is
not
so employed, but there are a few passages in which it is
apparently
used as an interrogative pronoun in a direct ques-
tion.
It is so taken by Mey., B., WH., et
al, in Mark 9:11, 28, and by WH.
in
Mark 2:16. See B. pp. 252 f.; Th., o!stij, 4; also
(contra) WM. p.
208,
f.n.; WT. p. 167.
350. The simple relative pronouns and
adverbs are some-
times
used in indirect questions in the New Testament as in
classical
Greek. HA. 1011, a; G. 1600; J. 877, Obs. 3; B.
pp.
250 f.
Luke
8: 47; di ]
h
what cause she had touched him. See
also Mark 5:19, 20; Acts
14:27; 15:14.
351. INDIRECT DISCOURSE IN ENGLISH AND
IN GREEK.
From
what has been said above, it appears that the tense of a
verb
standing in a clause of indirect discourse in Greek does
not
express the same relation between the action denoted and
the
time of speaking as is expressed by a verb of the same
tense
standing in a principal clause; or, to speak more exactly,
does
not describe it from the same point of view. .A. verb in
a
principal clause views its action from the point of view of
the
speaker. A verb in an indirect
quotation, on the other
hand,
views its action from the point of view of another person,
viz.
the original author of the words quoted. It has also
136
THE
MOODS.
appeared
that in certain cases the mood of the Greek verb is
changed
when it is indirectly quoted. Now it is evident that
in
order to translate the Greek sentence containing a clause of
indirect
discourse into English correctly and intelligently, we
must
ascertain what English usage is in respect to the tenses
and
moods of the verbs of indirect discourse; otherwise we
have
no principle by which to determine what English tense
and
mood properly represent a given Greek tense and mood
in
indirect discourse. Furthermore, since Greek usage has
been
expressed in terms of the relation between the original
utterance
and the quotation, it will be expedient to state Eng-
lish
usage in the same way. An example will illustrate at the
same
time the necessity of formulating the law and of formu-
lating
it in terms of relation to the direct form.
(1) He has seen a vision. (2) o]ptasi<an e[w<raken
(3) They said that he had seen a vision.
(4) ei#pon o!ti o]ptasi<an e[w<raken.
The sentences marked (1) and (2)
express the same idea
and
employ corresponding tenses. The sentences marked (3)
and
(4) represent respectively the indirect quotation of (1)
and
(2) after a verb of past time, and express therefore the
same
meaning. They do not, however, employ corresponding
tenses,
the Greek using a Perfect, the English a Pluperfect.
It
is evident therefore that the principle of indirect discourse
is
not the same in English as in Greek, and that we cannot
translate
(4) into (3) by the same principle of equivalence of
tenses
which we employ in direct assertions. To translate
(4)
we must first restore (2) by the Greek law of indirect dis-
course,
then translate (2) into (1), and finally by the English
law
of indirect discourse construct (3) from (1) and the trans-
lation
of the Greek fT1TOV. This process requires the formula-
tion
of the law of indirect discourse for English as well as for
Greek.
MOODS IN
INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 137
352.
English usage in indirect discourse is illustrated in the
following
examples:
Direct
form. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I see the city.
Indirect,
after present tense. . . . He says that he sees the city.
" " future
" . . . . He
will say that he sees the city.
"
" past "
. . . . He said that he saw the city.
Direct
form . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I saw the city.
Indirect,
after present tense. . . . He says that he saw the city.
" " future
" . . . . He will say that he saw the city.
" " past "
. . . . He said that he had seen the city.
Direct
form. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
I shall see the city.
Indirect,
after present tense . . . . He says that he shall see the city.
" " future
" . . . . . . He will say that he shall see the city.
" " past " . . . . . . He
said that he should see the city.
Direct
form. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . I may see the city.
Indirect,
after present tense . . . . He says
that he may see the city.
" " future
". . . . . . . He will say that he may see the city.
" " past ". . . . . . . He
said that he might see the city.
From these examples we may deduce the
following rule for
indirect
discourse in English:
(a) After verbs of present or future
time, the'mood and tense
of
the direct discourse are retained in the indirect discourse.
(b) After verbs of past time, the mood
of the direct dis-
course
is retained, but the tense is changed to that tense which
is
past relatively to the time of the direct discourse.
Thus, see becomes saw; saw becomes had seen; shall see
becomes
should see (the change of
mood here is only apparent); may see
becomes
might see, etc.
REM. In questions and in conditional
clauses a Present Indicative of
the
direct form may become a Past Subjunctive in indirect quotation after
a
verb of past time. See Luke 3:15; Acts 10:18; 20:17, E.V.
353.
Comparing this with the Greek rule, we may deduce
the
following principles for the translation into English of
clauses
of indirect discourse in Greek:
138
THE
MOODS.
(a) When the quotation is introduced
by a verb of present
it
or future time, translate the verbs of the indirect discourse
by
the same forms which would be used in ordinary direct
discourse,
(b) When the quotation is introduced
by a verb of past
time,
if there are Optatives which represent Indicatives or
Subjunctives
of the direct discourse, first restore in thought
these
Indicatives or Subjunctives, then translate each Greek
verb
by that English verb which is relatively past to that
which
would correctly translate the same verb standing in
direct
discourse,
354. The statement of English usage in
indirect discourse
is
presented in the fo~m adopted above for the sake of brevity
and
convenience of application, It is, however, rather a for-
mula
than a statement which represents the process of thought.
In
order to apprehend clearly the difference between English
and
Greek usage it must be recognized that certain English
tenses
have, not like the Greek tenses a two-fold -function, but
a
three-fold. They mark (1) the temporal relation of the point
of
view from which the action is described to the time of
speaking;
(2) the temporal relation of the action described to
this
point of view; (3) the conception of the action as re-
spects
its progress. Thus in the sentence, I had
been read-
ing, (1) the point
of view from which the act of reading is
viewed
is past, (2) the action itself is previous to that point of
view,
and (3) it is viewed as in progress. He will not go is a
Future
from a present point of view presenting the action as a
simple
event. In the sentence, When he came, I
was reading,
I was reading would be more
accurately described as a Present
progressive
from a past point of view, than as a Past progres-
sive
from a present point of view, In other instances the same
form
might be a Past from a present point of view. These
MOODS IN
INDffiECT DISCOURSE. 139
triple-function
tenses have perhaps their chief use in English
in
indirect discourse, but are used also in direct discourse.
Many
of them are derived by the process of composition, out
of
which so many English tenses have arisen, from verb-forms
which
originally had only the two-fold function, but their
existence
in modern English is none the less clearly estab-
lished.
Professor W. G. Hale1 in A.J.P.,
vol. VIII. pp. 66 ff.,
has
set forth the similar three-fold function of the Latin tenses
in
the Indicative Mood. But it should be noticed that the
English
has developed this three-fold function more clearly
even
than the Latin. For example, the antecedence of an
action
to a past point of view is in Latin only implied in the
Iassertion
of its completeness at that past point of time. But
in
English this antecedence may be affirmed without affirming
the
completeness of the act.
Bearing in mind this three-fold
function of certain English
tenses,
the difference between Greek and English usage in in-
direct
discourse may be stated comprehensively as follows:
The Greek, while adopting in indirect
discourse the point of
view
of the person quoting as respects the person of verbs and
pronouns,
and while sometimes after a verb of past time mark-
ing
the dependent character of the statement by the use of the
Optative
in place of an Indicative or SubjunctivE) of the origi-
nal
statement, yet as respects tense, regtuarly carries over into
the
indirect discourse the point of view of the original state-
ment,
treating it as if it were still present. What was present
to
the original speaker is still treated from his point of view,
as
present; what was past, as past; what was future, as future.. .
In
English, on the other hand, in quoting a past utterance,
1 Professor Hale's article furnished
the suggestion for the view of the
English
tenses presented here.
140 THE MOODS.
the
fact that it is past is not only indicated by the past tense
of
the verb which introduces the quotation, but still further
by
the employment of a tense in the quotation which marks the
point
of view from which the act is looked at as past. Thus
in
Greek a prediction expressed originally by a Future tense,
when
afterward quoted after a verb of past time, is still ex-
pressed
by a Future, the act being viewed as future from the
assumed
point of view, and this point of view being treated as
present
or its character as past being ignored.
But in English
such
a prediction is expressed by a Past-future, i.e. by the
English
tense which describes an action as future from a past
point
of view. Thus in quoting o@yomai, I shall see, in indirect
discourse,
one says in Greek, ei#pen o!ti o@yetai; but in
English, he
said that he
should see. Similarly, a statement made originally
by
the Perfect tense, when quoted after a verb of past time,
is
still expressed by a Perfect tense in Greek, but in English
by
a Pluperfect. Thus h[ma<rthka, I have sinned; ei#pen
o!ti
h[ma<rthken, he said that he
had sinned.
When we pass to quotations after verbs
of present time, the
usages
of the two languages naturally coincide, since the differ-
ence
between the point of view of the original utterance and
the
quotation, which in English gave rise to a change of tense
not
however made in Greek, disappears. The
point of view of
the
original statement is in both languages retained and
treated
as present, because it is present. Thus e]leu<somai, I shall
come, requires only
a change of person in quotation after a verb
of
present time, le<gei o!ti e]leu<setai, he says that he shall come.
It might naturally be anticipated that
in quotations after
verbs
of future time, where again the time of the original
statement
differs from that of the quotation, there would arise
a
difference of usage between English and Greek. Such how-
ever
is not the case. What the Greek does
after a verb of
MOODS IN
INDIRECT DISCOURSE. 141
past
time, the English as well as the Greek does after a verb
of
future time, viz. treats the point of view of the original
utterance
as p~esent. Thus let us suppose the case of one
predicting
what a person just now departing will say when he
returns.
He has not yet seen anything, but it is imagined that
when
he returns he will say, I have seen all
things. The asser-
tion
of this by he will say, takes the
form he will say that he
has seen all
things;
just as in Greek one quoting e[w<raka pa<nta
after
e]rei?
says e]rei? o!ti e[w<raken pa<nta. Thus the
person quoting
does
not describe the event from his own point of view--this
would
require he will see, nor does he mark the fact that the
point
of view of the utterance is different from his own--this
would
require he will have seen; but treats the point of view
of
the person whose expected language he quotes in advance,
as
if it were present. Thus while the Greek is consistent in
simply
adopting the conceived point of view of the future
statement,
the English departs from the principle which it fol-
lows
after past tenses, and follows here the same method as
the
Greek.
355. These facts enable us to see that
it would be incorrect to say
that
the tense of the direct discourse is in Greek determined from the
point
of view of the original speaker, in English from the point of view of
the
person who makes the quotation. The correct statement IS that in
both
languages the act is looked at from the point of view of the original
speaker,
but that the two languages differ somewhat in their method of
indicating
the relation of this point of view to the time of the quotation.
This
difference, however, pertains only to quotations whose point of view
is
past. Its precise nature has already been stated (354). When the
point
of view is present or future the usage of the two languages is
identical.
356. The comparison of English and
Greek usage may
be
reduced to articulated statement as follows: English usage
is
like Greek usage in three respects, and different in two
respects.
142
THE
MOODS.
I.
It is like Greek in that,
(a) It adapts the person. of
the.pronouns and verbs of the
original
utterance to the point of view of the quoter.
(b) It looks at the act described in
the quotation from the
point
of view of the original statement.
(c) After a verb of present or future
time this point of view
of
the original utterance is treated in the quotation as present,
as
after verbs of present time it is in fact.
II.
It differs from Greek in that,
(a) While it looks at the act from the
point of view of the
original
statement, if that point of view is past it designates
it
as past, using a tense which describes the action from a past
point
of view. A Past of the original utterance becomes in
the
quotation a Past-past; a Future becomes a Past-future,
etc.
This the Greek does not do, having in general no tense
which
has this double temporal power.
(b) It does not as a rule change the
original mood of the
verb
in quotation. Most apparent changes of mood, such as
will
to would, are changes of tense. But cf. 352, Rem.
CONSTRUCTION AFTER Kai> e]ge<neto.
357. Clause or Infinitive as the
Subject of e]ge>neto.
By
a Hebraism kai> e]ge<neto and e]ge<neto, Septuagint
ren-
derings
of yhiy;va, are used in the New Testament (Matt.,
Mark,
Luke, Acts) to introduce a clause or an Infinitive
which
is logically the subject of the e]ge<neto. The e]ge<neto
is
usually followed by a phrase or clause of time; the event
to
be narrated is then expressed by kai< with an
Indicative,
or
by an Indicative without kai<, or by an Infinitive. It
thus
results that the construction takes three forms:
THE INFINITIVE. 143
358. (a) Kai> e]ge<neto, or e]ge<neto
de<,
and the phrase of time are
followed
by kai< with an Indicative.
Luke
5:1; e]ge<neto
de> e]n t&? to>n o@xlon e]pikei?sqai au]t&? kai> a]kou<ein
to>n
lo<gon tou? qeou? kai> au]to>j h#n e[stw>j para> th>n
li<mnhn
Gennhsare<t, now it came to pass, while the multitude
pressed upon him
and heard the word of God, that he was
standing by the lake of Gennesaret.
359. (b) Kai> e]ge<neto, or e]ge<neto
de<,
and the phrase of time are
followed
by an Indicative without Kat.
Mark
1:9 Kai> e]ge<neto e]n e]kei<naij
tai?j h[me<raij h#lqen ]Ihsou?j
a]po>
Nazare>t
th?j Galilai<aj,
and it came to pass in those days, that
Jesus
came from Nazareth of Galilee.
360. (c) kai> e]ge<neto, or e]ge<neto
de<,
and the phrase of time are
followed
by an Infinitive, the narrative being continued either
by
an Infinitive or an Indicative.
Acts
9:32; e]ge<neto
de> Pe<tron dierxo<menon dia> pa<ntwn katelqei?n, and
it came to pass, as Peter went
throughout all parts, he came down.
See also Mark 2:23; Luke 6:12. B. pp.
276-278.
THE INFINITIVE.
361. That the Infinitive in Greek had
its origin as respects
both
form and function in a verbal noun, and chiefly at least in
the
dative case of such a noun, is now regarded as an assured
result
of comparative grammar. .At the time of the earliest
Greek
literature, however, the other cases of this verbal noun
had
passed out of use, and the dative function of the form that
remained
had become so far obscured that, while it still re-
tained
the functions appropriate to the dative, it was also used
as
an accusative and as a nominative. Beginning with Pindar
it
appears with the article, at first as a subject-nominative.
Later
it developed also the other cases, accusative, genitive,
and
dative. By this process its distinctively dative force was
obscured
while the scope of its use was enlarged. In Post-
144
THE
MOODS.
Aristotelian
Greek, notably in the Septuagint and the New
Testament,
another step was taken. The Infinitive with the
article
in the genitive began to assume some such prominence
as
at a much earlier time the dative had acquired, and as
before,
the sense of its case being in some degree lost, this
genitive
Infinitive came to be used as a nominative or accusa-
tive.
We mark therefore four stages of development. First,
that
for whIch we must go back of the histonc penod of the
Greek
language itself, when the Infinitive was distinctly a
dative
case. Second, that which is found in Homer: the Infin-
itive
begins to be used as subject or object, though the strictly
dative
functions still have a certain prominence, and the arti-
cle
is not yet used. Third, that of which the beginnings are
seen
in Pindar and which is more fully developed in classical
authors
of a later time: the Infinitive without the article,
sometimes
with dative functions, sometimes with the force of
other
cases, is used side by side with the articular Infinitive
in
the nominative, genitive, dative, and accusative singular.
Fourth,
that which appears in the Septuagint and the New
Testament:
all the usages found in the third stage still con-
tinuing,
the Infinitive with the article in the genitive begins
to
lose the sense of its genitive function and to be employed
as
a nominative or accusative.
From the earliest historic period of
the Greek lang1.1age the
Infinitive
partakes of the characteristics both of the verb and
the
noun. As a verb it has a subject more or less definite, and
expressed
or implied, and takes the adverbial and objective
limitations
appropriate to a verb. As a noun it fills the office _\
in
the sentence appropriate to its case. Many of these case-
functions
are identical with those which belong to other sub-
stantives;
some are peculiar to the lIifinitive.
REM. Concerning the history of the
Infinitive, see G.MT. 742, 788 ;
Gild. in T.A.P.A. 1878, and in A.J.P. III. pp. 193 ff.; IV. pp. 241
ff.,
THE INFINITIVE. 145
pp.
418 fl.; VIII. p. 329; Birklein,
Entwickelungsgeschichte des sub-
stantivierten
Infinitivs, in Schanz, Beitrage zur. historischen Syntax der
griechischen
Sprache, Heft 7.
362. In the Greek of the classical and
later periods, the functions of
the
Infinitive as an element of the sentence are very various. They may
be
classified logically as follows:
I. As A PRINCIPAL VERB (364, 365).
II. As A SUBSTANTIVE ELEMENT.
(1) As subject (384, 385,
390, 393, 404).
(2) As object in indirect
discourse (390).
(3) As object after verbs of
exhorting, striving, promising,
hoping, etc. (387-389,
391, 394, 404).
(4) As object after verbs
that take a genitive (401-403).
III. As AN ADJECTIVE ELEMENT.
(1) As appositive (386,
395).
(2) Expressing other
adnominallimitations (378, 379, 400).
IV. As AN ADVERBIAL ELEMENT, denoting,
(1) Purpose (366, 367, 370
(d), 371 (d), 372, 397).
(2) Indirect object (368).
(3) Result (369-371, 398).
(4) Measure or degree (after
adjectives and adverbs) (376,399).
(5) Manner, means, cause, or
respect (375, 377,396).
(6) A modal modification of
an assertion (383).
The articular Infinitive governed by a
preposition (406-417) expresses
various
adverbial relations, the precise nature of which is determined by
the
meaning of the preposition employed. Similarly pri<n or pri>n h@ with
the
Infinitive (380-382) constitutes an adverbial phrase of time, the
temporal
idea lying in pri<n rather than in the Infinitive.
363. To arrange the treatment of the
Infinitive on the basis of such a
logical
classification as that given above (362) would, however, disregard
the
historical order of development and to some extent obscure the point
of
view from which the Greek language looked at the Infinitive. It seems
better,
therefore, to begin with those uses of the Infinitive which are most
evidently
connected with the original dative function, and proceed to
those
in which the dative force is vanishing or lost. This is the general
plan
pursued in the following sections, though it is by no means affirmed
that
in details the precise order of historical development has been
followed.
146
THE
MOODS.
THE INFINITIVE WITHOUT THE ARTICLE.
364. The Imperative Infinitive. The
Infinitive with-
out
the article is occasionally used to express a command
or
exhortation. This is the only use of the Infinitive as a
principal
verb. It is of ancient origin, being especially
frequent
in Homer. EA. 957; G. 1536.
The New Testament furnishes but one
certain instance
of
this usage.
Phil.
3:16; plh>n ei]j o
we have attained, by the same rule
walk.
365. Rom. 12:15 affords another
probable instance of the imperative
use
of the Infinitive. Buttmann supposes
an ellipsis of le<gw, and Winer
a
change of construction by which the writer returns from the independ-
ent
Imperatives used in v.14 to the construction of an Infinitive dependent
on
le<gw employed in v. 3. This explanation of change of
construction
probably
applies in Mark 6:9 (cf. the even more abrupt change in
Mark
5:23) ; but in Rom. ch. 12 the remoteness of the verb le<gw (in v.
3)
from the Infinitive (in v. 15) makes the dependence of the latter upon
the
former improbable. B. pp. 271 f.; WH. pp. 397 f.; WT. 316.
366. The Infinitive of Purpose. The
Infinitive is used
to
express the purpose of the action or state denoted by
the
principal verb. EA. 951; G. 1532.
Matt.
5:17; mh>
nomi<shte o!ti h#lqon katalu?sai to>n no<mon h} tou>j pro-
fh<taj:
ou]k h@lqon katalu?sai a]lla> plhrw?sai, think
not that I came
to destroy the law or the prophets: I
came not to destroy, but to fulfil.
Luke
18:10; a@nqrwpoi du<o a]ne<bhsan ei]j
to> i[ero>n proseu<casqai, two
men went up into the temple to pray.
Acts
10:33; nu?n
ou#n pa<ntej h[mei?j e]nw<pion tou? qeou? pa<resmen a]kou?sai
pa<nta
ta> prostetagme<na soi u[po> tou? kuri<ou, now therefore we are
all here present in the sight of God,
to hear all things that have been
commanded thee of the Lord.
367. The Infinitive expressing purpose
is sometimes intro-
duced
by w!ste or w[j.
See 370 (d), 371 (d), 372.
THE INFINITIVE
WITHOUT THE ARTICLE. 147
368. THE INFINITIVE AS AN INDIRECT
OBJECT. Closely
akin
to the Infinitiv:e of Purpose is the Infinitive of the indi-
rect
object. The former is a supplementary addition to a
statement
in itself complete, and expresses the purpose .had in
view
in the doing of the action or the maintenance of the state.
The
Infinitive of the indirect object on the other hand is a
complementary
limitation of a verb, expressing the direct ten-
dency
of the action denoted by the principal verb, or other
similar
dative relation. Some of the instances of this usage
are
scarcely to be distinguished from the Infinitive of Purpose,
while
in others the distinction is clearly marked.
Luke
10:40; Ku<rie, ou] me<lei soi o!ti h[
a]delfh< mou mo<nhn me kate<leipen
diakonei?n, Lord, dost
thou not care that my sister has left me to serve
alone?
Acts
17:21; ]Aqhnai?oi de> pa<ntej kai> oi[
e]pidhmou?ntej Ce<noi ei]j ou]de>n
e!teron
hu]kai<roun h} a]kou<ein ti kaino<teron, now all the
Athenians and the strangers
soJ"ourning there spent their time in nothing
else than either to tell or to hear
some new thing. See also Mark 4:23;
6:31; 10:40; Luke 7:40; 12:4; Acts
4:14; 7:42; 23:17, 18, 19;
25:26; Tit. 2:8.
369. The Infinitive of Result. The
Infinitive may be
used
to denote the result of the action expressed by the
principal
verb. When so used it is usually introduced by
w!ste. HA. 953; G. 1449.
Mark
4:37; kai> ta> ku<mata
e]pe<ballen ei]j to> ploi?on, w!ste h@dh gemi<-
zesqai
to> ploi?on,
and the waves beat into the boat, insomuch that the
boat was now filling.
1
Thess. 1:8; e]n panti> to<p& h[
pi<stij u[mw?n h[ pro>j to>n qeo>n e]celh<-
luqen,
w!ste mh> xrei<an e@xein h[ma?j lalei?n ti, in every place your
faith to God-ward is gone forth, so
that we need not to speak anything.
370. Under the general head of
expressions of result it is
necessary
to distinguish three different conceptions:
(a) Actual result, conceived of and
affirmed as actual; in this
case
classical Greek uses w!ste with the Indicative. See 236.
148
THE
MOODS.
(b) Tendency or conceived result which
it is implied is an
actual
result. In this case the result is thought of as that
which
the action of the principal verb is adapted or sufficient
to
produce, and it is the context or the nature of the case only
which
shows that this result is actually produced. In this
case
classical Greek uses w!ste with the Infinitive.
(c) Tendency or conceived result
thought of and affirmed
simply
as such. In this case the result is one which the
action
of the principal verb is adapted or sufficient to
produce,
though the actual production is either left in doubt,
or
is indicated by the context not to have taken place. Clas-
sical
Greek employs w!ste with the Infinitive (in Homer
the
Infinitive
without w!ste).
To these three may be added as a
closely related conception
which
the Greek also expressed by w!ste with the
Infinitive:
(d) Purpose, i.e. intended result.
The constructions by which these
several shades of meaning
are
expressed are substantially the same in the New Testament
as
in classical Greek, except that the construction appropriate
to
the second meaning has apparently encroached upon the
realm
of the first meaning, and the line of distinction between
them
has become correspondingly indistinct. !Wste with the
Indicative
occurs very rarely except with the meaning there-
fore, introducing a
principal clause; and this fact, together
with
the large number of instances in which w!ste with the
Infinitive
is used of a result evidently actual, makes it probable
that
the use of w!ste with the Infinitive is no longer
restricted,
as
in classical Greek, to instances in which the result is thought
of
as theoretical, but is used also of result in fact and in
thought
actual. Cf. G.MT. 582-584. There
remain, however,
instances
entirely similar to those found in classical Greek, in
which
a result shown by the context to be actual is appa.rently
THE INFINITIVE
WITHOUT THE ARTICLE. 149
presented
simply as one which the event previously expressed
tends
to produce. Between these two classes it is evidently
impossible
to draw a sharp line of distinction. Oases of the
third
class are expressed in the New Testament by the Infini-
tive
with or without w!ste. Cf. also 218 and 398.
371. The following examples illustrate
New Testament
usage:
(a). Actual resul: conceived and
affirmed as su.ch.
Indicative
after w!ste.
John
3:16; ou!twj ga>r h]ga<phsen o[
qeo>j to>n ko<smon w!ste to>n ui[o>n
to>n
monogenh? e@dwken,
for God so loved the world that he gave
his only
begotten Son.
Infinitive after w!ste.
Mark
9:26; e[ge<neto
o[sei> nekro>j w!ste tou>j pollou>j le<gein o!ti a]pi<-
qanen, he became as one dead; insomuch that the
more part said that
he was dead.
(b) Tendency, by implication realized
in actual result. In-
finitive,
usually after w!ste.
Luke
12:1; e]n
oi$j e]pisunaxqeisw?n tw?n muria<dwn tou? o@xlou, w!ste
katapatei?n
a]llh<louj,
in the meantime, when the many thousands of the
multitude were gathered together, so
as to tread one upon another.
Rev.
5:5; i]dou>
e]ni<khsen o[ le<wn o[ e]k th?j fulh?j
]Iou<da, h[ r[i<za Dauei<d,
a]noi?cai
to> bibli<on, behold the lion that is of the tribe of
Judah, the
Root of David, hath overcome, to open
the book. See also Acts 1:25;
2 Cor. 1:8; 2 Thess. 2:4.
(c) Tendency or conceived result
thought of as such. In-
finitive,
usually after ~U'Tf.
1
Cor. 13:2; ka}n e@xw pa?san th>n pi<stin w!ste o@rh
meqista<nein, and
if
I have all faith, so as to remove
mountains.
Matt.
10:1; e@dwken au]toi?j e]cousi<an
pneuma<twn a]kaqa<rtwn w!ste e]k-
ba<llein
au]ta<,
he gave them authority over unclean
spirits to cast them
out. Here probably belongs also Rom.
1:10. See also 2 Cor. 2:7;
Rev. 16:9.
150
THE
MOODS.
REM. The Infinitive in Heb. 6:10, ou] ga>r a@dikoj o[ qeo>j e]pilaqe<sqai,
must
also be accounted an Infinitive of conceived result. The origin of
this
idiom may be an impersonal construction (cf. G.MT. 762), but it
has
departed in meaning as well as in form from its original. The mean-
ing
of this sentence is not, It would not be unjust for God to forget, but,
God
is not unjust so as to forget.
(d) Purpose, i.e. intended result.
Luke
krhmni<sai
au]to<n,
and they led him unto the brow of the hill that
they might throw him down headlong.
See also Luke 20:20.
REM. In Matt. 27:1, w!ste
with the Infinitive stands in definitive appo-
sition
with sumbou<lion, defining the
content of the plan, rather than ex-
pressing
the purpose of making it.
372. The Infinitive is used with cJs
in Luke 9 : 52 according to the
reading
adopted by WHo (most editors read WO"TE) and in Acts 20: 24
according
to,the generally adopted reading (WH. read a Subjunctive).
In
both cases the phrase dEJnotes purpose. No instance of w[j
with the
Infinitive
denoting result occurs in the New Testament. See Th. w[j,
III.,
and
references cited there, and cf. G. 1456. In 2 Cor. 10:9 w[j a@n is used
with
the Infinitive. This usage also occurs rarely in classical and later
Greek.
See Alf. ad loco and Gr. p. 230. The phrase is elliptical, the In-
finitive
most probably expressing purpose and w[j a!n modifying it in
the
sense
of quasi. WH. p. 390; WT. p. 310.
373. In the New Testament the
Infinitive is not used either with w!ste
or
e]f ] &$ or e]f ] &$te in the sense on
condition that. HA. 953, b; G.
1453,
1460.
374. The classical usage of an
Infinitive (of conceived result) with h@,
or
h} w!ste, or h} w[j, after a
comparative, does not occur in the New Testa-
ment.
The Infinitive after h@ in the New Testament is used as the
correIa-
tive
of some preceding word or phrase, and usually as a nominative. See
Luke
18:25; Acts 20:35. On Acts
375.
Somewhat akin in force tQ the Infinitive of (conceived)
result,
but probably of Hebraistic origin, is the Infinitive used
to
define more closely the content of the action denoted by a
previous
verb or noun. Of. Hr. 29, 3, e.
THE INFINITIVE
WITHOUT THE ARTICLE. 151
Acts
tra<xhlon
tw?n maqhtw?n,
now therefore why tempt ye God, that ye
should
put (i.e. by putting, or in that ye put) a yoke upon the neck
of
the disciples? Cf.
Ps. 78: 18 (Hebrew).
Heb.
5:5; ou!twj
kai> o[ xristo>j ou]x e[auto>n e]do<casen genhqh?nai
a]rxiere<a,
so Christ also glorified not himself_to
be made a high priest.
See also Luke
39, 40. See Ryle and James, Ps. Sol. p. lx:xxiii.
376. The Infinitive
limiting Adjectives and Adverbs.
The
Infinitive is used with adjectives and adverbs of abil-
ity,
fitness, readiness, etc., to denote that which one is or is
not
able, fit, or ready to do. HA. 952;
G. 1526.
Mark
1:7; ou$ ou]k
ei]mi> i[kano>j ku<yaj lu?sai to>n i[ma<nta tw?n u[podhma<twn
au]tou?, the latchet of whose shoes 1 am not worthy
to stoop down and
unloose.
2
Tim. 2:2; oi!tinej i[kanoi> e@sontai kai>
e[te<rouj dida<cai,
who shall be able
to teach others also.
Rev.
4:11; a@cioj
ei#, o[ ku<rioj kai> o[ qeo>j
h[mw?n, labei?n th>n do<can kai>
th>n
timh>n kai> th>n du<namin, worthy
art thou, our Lord and our God, to
receive
the glory and the honor and the power. See also Luke 14: 31
2 Cor. 12:14.
377. The Infinitive
may be used after any adjective to limit
its
application to a particular action. HA. 952; G. 1528.
Heb.
of
whom we have many things to say, and hard of interpretation--a
felicitous free translation. More
literally it would read, concerning
whom
our discourse is much, and hard of interpretation to state, i.e.
hard
to state intelligibly.
378. The Infinitive
limiting Nouns. The Infinitive is
used
with abstract nouns of ability,
authority, need, hope,
etc.,
to denote that which one has, or has not, ability,
authority, need, etc., to do.
Here may also be included
152
THE
MOODS.
the
Infinitive after w!ra, which implies a necessity. HA.
952;
G. 1521. .
Matt.
baptized of thee.
John
he the right to become children of
God.
Rom.
e]gerqh?nai, and this, knowing the season, that now it is
high time for you
to
awake out of sleep.
See also 2 Cor. 10:15; Rev. 9:10.
379. The Infinitive
is also occasionally used after con-
crete
nouns cognate with verbs which take an object In-
finitive.
Gal.
5:3; o]feile<thj e]sti>n o!lon to>n
no<mon poih?sai,
he is a debtor to
do the whole law.
380. The Infinitive
is used after pri<n or pri>n h@. HA.
955;
G. 1469-1474.
Mark
the
cock crow twice, thou shalt deny me thrice.
John
down
ere my child die.
381. The use of h@
after pri<n, which occurs twice in the Iliad,
fre-
quently
in Herodotus, and rarely in Attic writers, is well attested in three
of
the thirteen instances in the New Testament in which pri<n is used
with
the Infinitive, and occurs as a variant in other passages. G.1474.
382. As respects
the mood which follows pri<n or pri>n h@, New Testa-
ment
usage is the same as that of Post-Homeric Greek in general, in that
the
Infinitive is generally (in the New Testament invariably) used when
the
leading clause is-affirmative; the Subjunctive and Optative occur only
after
a negative leading clause. The Indicative after pri<n which some-
times
occurs in classical Greek, chiefly after a negative leading clause, is
not
found in the New Testament. HA. 924,
a; G. 1470.
THE INFINITIVE WITHOUT THE ARTICLE. 153
383. The Infinitjve
used absolutely in a parenthetic clause
occurs
but once in the New Testament. HA. 956; (}. 1534.
Heb.
7:9 w[j e@poj ei]
384. 'The
Infinitive as Subject. The Infinitive may
be
used as the subject of a finite verb. HA.
949, 959;
G.1517.
Matt.
for thus it becometh us to fulfil all
righteousness.
Luke
ei]selqei?n, for it is
easier for a camel to enter in through a needle's eye.
See a.lso Mark 3:4; Luke
385. The Infinitive
with subject accusative sometimes
stands
as the subject of an impersonal verb (dokei?, etc.). Fre-
quently,
however, the personal construction is employed, that
which
is properly the subject of the Infinitive being put in the
nominative
as the subject of the principal verb. But the logi-
cal
relation is the same in either case. HA.
944.
In the New Testament the personal
construction is regularly
employed
with BoK~L.
Acts
a setter forth of strange gods. See also Gal.
2:9; Jas. 1:26, etc.
REM. Concerning the Infinitive as
subject of e]ge<neto, see 357, 360.
386. The Infinitive
as Appositive. The Infinitive may
stand
in apposition with a noun or pronoun. EA. 950;
G.1517.
Jas.
ske<ptesqai
o]rfanou>j kai> xh<raj e]n t^? qli<yei au]tw?n, pure religion
and undefiled. . . is this, to visit
orphans and widows in their afflic-
tion. See also Acts 15:28; 1 Thess. 4:3.
387. The Infinitive
as Object. The Infinitive may be
used
as the object of a verb. The verbs which are thus
154
THE
MOODS.
limited
by an Infinitive are in part such as take a noun or
pronoun
in the accusative as object, in part such as take a
noun
or pronoun in the genitive as object, in part verbs
which
cannot take a noun or pronoun as object but require
an
Infinitive to complete their meaning. HA. 948; G.
1518,
1519.
Matt.
suffer
the little children, and forbid them not, to come unto me.
Mark
on him.
Luke
16:3; ska<ptein
ou]k i]sxu<w, e]paitei?n ai]sxu<nomai, I
have not strength
to
dig; to beg I am ashamed.
Heb.7:25;
o!qen kai> sw<zein ei]j to> pantele>j
du<natai,
wherefore also he
is able to save to the uttermost. See also Matt.
1:19; John 5:18;
Rom. 14:2; Gal. 3:2, et freq.
388. The Infinitive
xai<rein in salutations is to be regarded
as
the object of an unexpressed verb of bidding.
Acts
Claudius
Lysias unto the most excellent governor Felix, greeting.
Jas.
1:1; ]Ia<kwboj . . .tai?j dw<deka fulai?j
tai?j e]n t^? diaspor%A
xai<rein, James. . . to the twelve tribes which are of
the Dispersion,
greeting.
389. The verbal
idea governing the Infu1itive is sometimes implied
rather
than expressed. The Infinitive tekei?n in Rev. 12:2 is
doubtless an
object
Infinitive governed by the idea of desire
implied in the preceding
participles.
The Infinitive yeu<sasqai in Acts 5:3 may
be regarded as an
object
Infinitive governed by the idea of persuading
implied in e]plh<rwsen
th>n kardi<an, or as an
Infinitive of conceived result. Cf. 370 (c).
390. The Infinitive
in Indirect Discourse. The Infini-
tive
is frequently used in the indirect quotation of asser-
tions.
It is usually the object of a verb of saying or of
thinking,
or the subject of such a verb in the passive
voice.
HA. 946; G. 1522.
THE INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE. 155
Mark
no resurrection.
John
bibli<a, I suppose that
even the world itself will not contain the books
that will be written.
Heb.
11:5; pro> ga>r th?j metaqe<sewj
memartu<rhtai eu]aresthke<nai t&?
qe&?, for before his translation he had witness
borne to him that he
had
been well-pleasing unto God. See also Luke
24:46 (?); John
1 John 2:9.
REM. 1. Respecting the force of the
tenses of the Infinitive in indirect
discourse,
see 110-114.
REM. 2. Respecting the use of negatives
with the Infinitive in indirect
discourse,
see 480-482.
391. The Infinitive
occurs frequently as object after verbs
of
hoping, promising, swearing, and commanding, with a force
closely
akin to that of the Infinitive in indirect discourse.
Such
instances are not, however, usually included under that
head.
Cf. 337, and G.MT. 684.
THE INFINITIVE
WITH THE ARTICLE.
392. The prefixing
of the article to the Infinitive tends to
the
obscuring of its original dative force, while it emphasizes
its
new substantive character as a noun which can be used in
any
case. Some of the uses of the Infinitive with the article
differ
from those without the article only by the greater em-
phasis
on the substantive character of the form. This is the
case
with its use as subject and object. Others express nearly
the
same relations which were expressed by the Infinitive
without
the article, but with a different thought of the case-
relation
involved. Thus the use of the Infinitive without the
article
after adjectives of fitness, worthiness,
etc., doubtless
156
THE
MOODS.
sprang
originally from the thought of the Infinitive as a dative.
The
Infinitive with the article after such adjectives is thought
of
as a genitive, as is evident from the use of the article tou?.
The
difference in meaning is, however, very slight. Compare
the
English worthy to receive and worthy of receiving. Still
other
uses of the Infinitive with the article are wholly new,
being
developed only after the Infinitive had begun to be used
with
the article. To this class belongs the use of the Infini.
tive
after prepositions.
REM. The Infinitive with the article
being by means of that article
practically
a declinable noun, the various uses are grouped in the follow-
ing
sections according to cases.
393. The Infinitive with to< as Subject. The Infinitive
with
the article to< is used as the subject of a
finite verb.
HA. 959; G.1542.
Matt.
but
to eat with unwashen hands defileth not the man. See also Matt.
394. The Infinitive with to<
as Object. The Infinitive
with
the article to< is used as the object of a
transitive
verb.
This usage is far less common than the object
Infinitive
without the article. HA. 959; G.1543.
Acts
25:11; ou] paraitou?mai to> a]poqanei?n, I refuse not to die. See
also 2 Cor. 8:11; Phil. 2:6.
395. The Infinitive with the Article, in
Apposition.
The
Infinitive with the article may stand in apposition with
a
preceding noun or pronoun.
Rom.
mati
au]tou? to> klhrono<mon au]to>n
ei#nai ko<smou,
for not through the
law
was the promise to Abraham or to his seed, that he should be heir
of
the world.
THE INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE. 157
2
Cor. 2:1; e@krina ga>r e]maut&? tou?to,
to> mh> pa<lin e]n lu<p^ pro>j u[ma?j
e]lqei?n, for I determined this for myselj; that I
would not come again to
you
with sorrow.
See also Rom.
396.
The Infinitive with t&?. The Infinitive
with the
article
t&? is used in classical Greek to express cause, man-
ner,
means. In the New Testament it is used to express
cause.
Its only other use is after the preposition e]n. HA..
959;
G. 1547.
2
Cor.
not Titus my brother.
397. The Infinitive of Purpose with tou?.
The Infini-
tive
with the article tou? is used to express the purpose of
the
action or state denoted by the principal verb. HA.
960;
G. 1548.
Matt.
for Herod will seek the young child to
destroy him. See also Matt.
24: 45; Luke 2 : 24, 27; Acts 26 : 18;
Phil. 3 : 10.
REM. That the Infinitive with 'Toil
expresses purpose ,with substan-
tially
the same force as the simple Infinitive appears from the joining of
the
two together by kai<.
Luke
kuri<&,
. . . kai> tou? dou?nai qusi<an, they brought him up to
present him to the Lord, and to offer a
sacrijice.
77; 1:79.
398.
The Infinitive of Result with tou?. The Infinitive
with
the article tou? is occasionally used in the New Tes-
tamen't
to express conceived result. Of. 218 and 369-371.
Matt.
sai
au]t&?,
and ye, when ye saw it, did not even repent afterward,
so as to believe him. See also Acts
Acts 18:10; cf. Gen.3:22;
158
THE
MOODS.
REM. Meyer takes the Infinitive phrase tou? mh> ei#nai in Rom. 7:3 as
expressing
a divine purpose, and adds that tou? with the
Infinitive never
expresses
result, not even in Acts 7:19. But this is grammatical purism
not
justified by the evidence. The uniformly telic force of tou?
with the
Infinitive
can be maintained only by evasive definition or forced inter-
pretation.
399. The Infinitive with tou?
after Adjectives. The
Infinitive
with the article tou? is used with such adjectives
as
may be limited by a simple Infinitive. HA. 959; G.
1547.
Cf. 376.
Acts
See also Luke 24:25.
400.
The Infinitive with tou? after Nouns. The Infini-
tive
with the article tou? is used to limit nouns. The rela-
tions
thus expressed are very various and are not always
easy
to define exactly. Instances occur not only, as in
classical
Greek, of the objective genitive, but also of the
genitive
of characteristic, the genitive of connection, and
the
.appositional genitive. HA. 959; G. 1547.
Heb.
that some one teach you.
Luke
and when eight days were fulfilled for
circumcising him.
mh>
ble<pein kai> w#ta tou? mh> a]kou<ein, God gave them a spirit of stupor,
eyes
that see not, and ears that hear not. See also Luke
2:6;
l Cor.
401.
The Infinitive with tou? after Verbs
that take the
Genitive. The Infinitive
with tou? is used as the object of
verbs
which take a noun in the genitive as object, especially
of
verbs of hindering, etc. HA. 959, 963; G. 1547, 1549.
THE INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE. 159
Luke
1:9; e@laxe tou? qumia?sai, it was his lot (prop. he obtained by lot)
to
burn incense.
2
Cor. 1:8; w!ste e]caporhqh?nai h[ma?j kai>
tou? z^?n,
insomuch that we de-
spaired
even of life.
Rom.
wherefore
also I was hindered these many times from coming to you.
Cf. Gen. 34:19; Ps. Sol. 2:28, 29.
402. In classical
Greek, verbs of hindering are followed by
three
constructions, (a) Infinitive without the article, (b) In-
finitive
with tou?, (c) Infinitive with to<.
Mh< may be used or
omitted
with the Infinitive withput difference' of meaning.
HA.
963; G. 1549, 1551; G.MT. 791 (exx.). In the New
Testament,
all these constructions occur except that with to>
mh<.
See
Matt.
Acts
403. The Infinitive with tou? mh< after verbs of hindering is closely akin
to
the Infinitive of Result. Cf. Luke 24:16; Acts 14:18.
REM. Meyer's interpretation of tou? mh> e]pignw?nai au]to<n Luke 24:16
as
expressing a divine purpose (the English translation does not correctly
represent
the meaning of the German original), is not required by New
Testament
usage. The Greek most naturally means, Their
eyes were
held from
knowing him.
Cf. 398, Rem.
404.
The Infinitive with tou? as Subject or
Object.
The
Infinitive with tou? is used even as the subject of a
finite
verb or as the object of transitive verbs which regu-
larly
take a direct object. This is a wide departure from
classical
usage, and indicates that the sense of the genitive
character
of the article tou? before the Infinitive was partly
lost
in later Greek. B. p. 270; WM. pp. 411 f.; WT. pp. 327 f.
Acts
27:1; e]kri<qh tou? a]poplei?n h[ma?j ei]j
th>n ]Itali<an, it was determined
that
we should sail for
1 Macc. 3:15.
160
THE
MOODS.
405. The origin of this use of the
Infinitive with tou? is perhaps in such
usages
88 appear in Luke 17:1; 1 Cor. 16:4; and still more in such as
that
in Luke 4:10. In Luke 17:1 the genitive is apparently suggested
by
the idea of hindering or avoiding in the adjective a]ne<ndekton; in
1
Cor. 16:4 it is the adjective a@cion which gives
occasion to the genitive;
but
in both cases the Infinitive seems to be logically the subject of the
copulative
verb, the adjective being the predicate. Whether this con-
struction
represents the thought in the mind of the writer, or whether
the
expression is rather to be regarded as an impersonal one, the Infini-
tive
being dependent on the predicate adjective, cannot with confidence
be
decided. Such usages as Luke
origin
to the same mental process by which a clause introduced by i!na
came
to stand as the object of a verb of exhorting. Ps. Sol.
pared
with Luke 12:45 is also suggestive. It is doubtless the idea of
hindering
in xroni<zw that gives rise
to the genitive in the former passage;
in
the latter the Infinitive is a direct object.
406. The Infinitive with the Article
governed by
Prepositions.
The Infinitive with the article to<, tou?,
t&?
is
governed by prepositions. HA. 959; G.1546.
The prepositions so used in the New
Testament are:
with
the accusative, dia<, ei]j, meta< pro<j; with the
genitive,
a]nti<, dia<, e]k, e!neken, e!wj,
pro<;
with the dative, e]n.
Mark
4:6; kai> dia> to> mh> e@xein
r[i<zan e]chra<nqh,
and because it had no
root,
it withered away.
1
Thess. 3:5; e@pemya ei]j to> gnw?nai th>n
pi<stin u[mw?n,
I sent that I might
know your faith.
Mark
lai<an, howbeit, after
I am raised up, 1 will go before you into
Matt.
6:1; prose<xete [de>] th>n dikaiosu<nhn u[mw?n mh> poiei?n e@mprosqen
tw?n
a]nqrw<pwn pro>j to> qeaqh?nai au]toi?j, take heed that ye do not
your
righteousness before men, to be seen of them.
Gal.
before
faith came, we were kept in ward under the law.
Luke
24:51; kai> e]ge<neto e]n t&?
eu]logei?n au]to>n au]tou>j die<sth a]p ]
au]tw?n, and it came to pass, while he blessed them,
he parted from them.
407. These
prepositions vary greatly in frequency in the
New
Testament. Ei]j occurs with the Infinitive 63 times
THE INFINITIVE WITH THE ARTICLE. 161
(Infinitives
72); e]n 52 times (Infinitives 56); dia< with the
Accusative
27 times (Infinitives 31); meta< 15 times; pro<j 12
times;
pro< 9 times; each of the others once (WH. text). See
Votaw, Infinitive in
Biblical Greek, p. 20; cf. G.MT. 800-802.
408. Dia< governing the Infinitive with to<
denotes cause, and is nearly
equivalent
to o!ti or dio<ti with the
Indicative, differing in that the Infini-
tive
gives in itself no indication of the time of the action.
Jas.
4:2, 3; ou]k
e@xete dia> to> mh> ai]tei?sqai u[ma?j: ai]tei?te kai> ou] lam-
ba<nete,
dio<ti kakw?j ai]tei?sqe, ye have not,
because ye ask not. Ye
ask,
and receive not, because ye ask amiss.
In Mark 5:4 dia< with the Infinitive expresses the evidence rather
than
the
cause strictly so called.
409. Ei]j
governing the Infinitive with to< most commonly
expresses
purpose.
It is employed with special frequency by Paul, but occurs also
in
Heb., 1 Pet., and Jas.
Rom.
tou?
ui[ou? au[tou?, ei]j to> ei#nai au]to>n prwto<tokon e]n polloi?j
a]delfoi?j, for whom he
foreknew, he also foreordained to be conformed to
the image of his Son, that he might be
the first-born among many brethren.
See also Rom.
1 Pet. 3:7.
410. Ei]j with the
Infinitive is also used, like the simple Infinitive, to
represent
an indirect object. Cf. 368.
1
Cor.
have ye not houses to eat and to drink
in? See also Matt. 20:19;
26:2.
411. Ei]j
with the Infinitive also expresses tendency, measure of effect,
or
result, conceived or actual.
Heb.
11:3; pi<stei
noou?men kathrti<sqai tou>j ai]w?naj r[h<mati qeou?, ei]j
to>
mh> e]k fainome<nwn to> blepo<menon gegone<nai, by faith we
under-
stand that the worlds have been framed
by the word of God, so that
what is seen hath not been made out of
things which do appear. See
also Rom. 12:3; 2 Cor. 8:6; Gal. 3:17; 1
Thess. 2:16.
162
THE
MOODS.
Ei]j
to> e]sqi<ein in
1 Cor.8:10 either expresses measure of effect or is the
indirect
object of oi]kodomhqh<setai. Ei]j to> ei#nai au]tou>j
a]napologh<touj
in
Rom.
for
the causal clause which follows. This clause could be joined to an
expression
of purpose only by supposing an ellipsis of some such expres-
sion
as kai> ou!twj ei]si<n, and seems
therefore to require that ei]j to> ei#nai be
interpreted
as expressing result.
REM. Meyer's dictum (see on Rom.
Infinitive
is always telic, is, like his similar dictum respecting tou?
with
the
Infinitive, a case of grammatical purism, not justified by the evidence.
412. Ei]j with
the Infinitive is also used, like i!na with the Subjunctive,
or the simple Infinitive, as the direct
object of verbs of exhorting, etc.
1
Thess. 2: 12;
413. Ei]j with the Infinitive is still further used,
like the simple Infini-
tive,
to limit an adjective, as in Jas.
414. Pro<j governing the Infinitive with to<
usually expresses purpose;
it
is occasionally used with the sense, with reference to.
Matt.
6:1; prose<xete [de>] th>n
dikaiosu<nhn u[mw?n mh> poiei?n e@mprosqen
tw?n
a]nqrw<pwn pro>j to> qeaqh?nai au]toi?j, but take heed that ye do not
your
righteousness before men, to be seen of them.
Matt.
26:12; balou?sa
ga>r au!th to> mu<ron tou?to e]pi> tou? sw<mato<j mou
pro>j
to> e]ntafia<sai me e]poi<hsen, for
in that she poured this ointment
upon
my body, she did it to prepare me for burial. See also Matt.
(reference).
415. ]En governing the
Infinitive with Tr; is most commonly temporal,
but
occasionally expresses other relations, such as manner, means, or
content.
This construction is especially frequent in Luke and Acts.
Luke
8:5; kai> e]n t&? spei<rein
au]to>n o{ me>n e@pesen para> th>n o[do<n, and
as
he sowed, some fell by the way side.
Acts
au]to>n
eu]logou?nta u[ma?j e]n t&? a]postre<fein e!kaston a]po> tw?n
ponhriw?n
[u[mw?n],
unto you first God, having raised up his Servant, sent
him to bless you, in turning away
everyone of you from your iniquities.
See also Luke 1:8; Acts 9:3;
Luke 12:15; Acts 4:30; Heb. 2:8;
THE PARTICIPLE. 163
416. The force of
the other prepositions used with the Infinitive
scarcely
needs special definition, the meaning of each being in general
the
same 88 that of the same preposition governing nouns. Respecting
the
force of the tenses after prepositions, see 104-109.
417. Concerning the
Infinitive without the article governed by prepo-
sitions,
see G.MT. 803, and cf. Gen. 10:19. The Infinitive gi<nesqai in
Acts
governed
by the preposition e]n. It is however not strictly without the
article,
the t&?? which precedes e]ktei<nein belonging in effect also to gi<nesqai.
THE PARTICIPLE.
418. The Participle
is a verbal adjective, sharing in part
the
characteristics of both the verb and the adjective. As a
verb
it has both tense functions and functions which may be
designated
as modal functions, being analogous to those which
in
the case of verbs in the Indicative, Subjunctive, or Optative
belong
to the mood. For the proper understanding of a par-
ticiple,
therefore, it is necessary to consider (a) The grammat-
ical
agreement, (b) The use of the tense, and (c) The logical
force
or modal function. The first and second of these have
already
been treated, grammatical agreement in 116, the uses
of
the tenses in 118-156. It remains to consider the logical
force
or modal function of the participle. From the point of
view
of the interpreter this is usually the matter of most
importance.
419. In respect to
logical force, participles may be classified
as
Adjective, Adverbial, and Substantive.
REM. 1. The terminology here employed
for the classification of parti-
ciples
differs somewhat from that commonly employed. It is adopted
substantially
from the article of Professor Wm. Arnold
Stevens, "On
the
Substantive Use of the Greek Participle" in T.A.P.A. 1872. The
Adjective
Participle corresponds nearly to the Attributive Participle
164
THE
MOODS.
as
treated in G. and EA., the Adverbial Participle to the Circum-
stantial
Participle, and the Substantive Participle to the Supplementary
Participle.
REM. 2. Respecting the use of the
negatives p.~ and o~ with partici-
ples,
see 485.
THE ADJECTIVE
PARTICIPLE.
420. The Adjective Participle limits its
subject directly
and
exclusively. It attributes the action which it denotes
to
the subject as a quality or characteristic, or assigns the
subject
to the class marked by that action. EA. 965; G.
1559.
Acts
10:1, 2; a]nh>r de< tij e]n Kaisari<%
o]no<mati Kornh<lioj, e[katonta<r-
xhj e]k
spei<rhj th?j kaloume<nhj
]Italikh?j, eu]sebh>j kai>
fobou<menoj
to>n qeo>n su>n panti> t&? oi@k& au]tou?, poiw?n
e]lehmosu<naj
polla>j t&? la&? kai>
deo<menoj tou? qeou? dia> panto<j, now
there was a certain man in Cresarea, Cornelius by name, a centurion
of
a band called the Italian band, a devout man and one that feared God with all
his house, who gave much alms to the people and prayed to God alway. The four
participles in this sentence are all Adjective Participles, de-
scribing their subject. This is
especially clear in the case of fobou<-
menoj, which is joined
by kai< to the adjective eu]sebh<j. For other
similar examples see
under the following sections.
421. The Adjective
Participle may be used attributively or
predicatively.
When used attributively it may be either re-
strictive
or explanatory.
422. The Restrictive Attributive Participle.
An at-
tributive
Adjective Participle may be used to define or
identify
its subject, pointing out what person or thing is
meant.
It is then equivalent to a restrictive relative clause.
Cf.
295.
THE ADJECTIVE PARTICIPLE. 165
John
the bread which cometh down out of
heaven.
Jude
17; mnh<sqhte
tw?n r[hma<twn tw?n proerhme<nwn u[po> tw?n a]po-
sto<lwn
tou? kuri<ou h[mw?n ]Ihsou? Xristou?, remember the
words which
have been spoken before by the apostles
of our Lord Jesus Christ.
423. The subject of
the Restrictive Attributive Participle is
often
omitted. The participle is then an Adjective Participle
used
substantively. Such a participle usually has the ar,ticle,
but
not invariably. HA. 966; G. 1560.
Matt.
he
that loveth father or mother more than me is not worthy of me.
Acts
gunaikw?n, believers were added to the Lord, multitudes
both of men and
women.
Acts
dikaiosu<nhn
dekto>j au]t&? e]sti<n, but
in every nation he that feareth
him,
and worketh righteousness, is acceptable to him.
Rev.
1:3; maka<rioj o[ a]naginw<skwn
kai> oi[ a]kou<ontej tou>j lo<gouj th?j
profhtei<aj
kai> throu?ntej ta> e]n au]t^? gegramme<na, blessed is he
that readeth, and they that hear the
words of the prophecy, and keep the
things which are written therein.
424. A noun without
the article, or an indefinite pronoun, is
sometimes
limited by a participle with the article. The article
in
this case does not make the noun strictly definite. The
person
or thing referred to is placed within the class charac-
terized
bythe action denoted by the participle, and the atten-
tion
is directed to some one or to certain ones of that class,
who
are not, however, more specifically identified. Nearly the
same
meaning is expressed by a participle without the article,
or
on the other hand by a relative clause limiting an indefinite
substantive.
For classical examples of this usage see WM. p.
136;
WT. pp. 109 f.
Col.
2:8; ble<pete mh< tij u[ma?j e@stai o[
sulagagw?n dia> th?j filoso-
fi<aj, take heed lest there shall be anyone that
maketh spoil of you
through
his philosophy.
See also Acts
166 THE MOODS.
425. A neuter
participle with the article is sometimes
equivalent
to an abstract noun. It is then limited by a geni-
tive
like any other abstract noun. HA. 966, b.; G.1562.
Phil.
3:8; dia> to> u[pere<xon th?j
gnw<sewj Xristou? ]Ihsou? tou? kuri<ou
mou, because of the
excellency [superiority] of the knowledge of Christ
Jesus my Lord. See also the similar use
of neuter adjectives in
Rom.2:4; 1 Cor. 1:25; Phil. 4:5;
Heb.6:17. WM.pp.294f.;
WT. pp. 234 f.
426. The
Explanatory Attributive Participle. An
attributive
Adjective Participle may be used to describe a
person
or thing already known or identified. It is then
equivalent
to an explanatory relative clause. Cf. 295.
2
Tim. 1:8, 9; kata> du<namin qeou?, tou?
sw<santoj h[ma?j kai> kale<santoj
klh<sei
a[gi<%,
according to the power of God; who saved us, and called
us with a holy calling.
1
Thess.
Jesus, which delivereth us from the
wrath to come. In this example
r[uo<menon
is
explanatory, e]rxome<nhj is restrictive.
See also Acts
427. An Attributive Participle when used
to limit a noun
which
has the article, stands in the so-called attributive posi-
tion,
i.e. between the article and the noun, or after an article
following
the noun; but when the participle is limited by an
adverbial
phrase, this phrase may stand between the article
and
the noun, and the participle without the article follow the
noun.
It thus results that all the following orders are possi-
ble:
(1) article, partieiple, modifier of the
participle, noun;
(2) art., mod., part., noun;
(3) art., mod., noun, part. ;
(4) art., part., noun, mod.;
(5) art., noun, art., mod., part.;
THE ADJECTIVE PARTICIPLE. 167
(6) art., noun, art., part., mod. See
Professor Charles Short's
essay
on The Order of Words in Attic Greek Prose, in Yonge's
English-Greek
Lexicon, pp. xlix. f.; K. 464, 8; HA. 667, a.
Acts
e]paggeli<an
genome<nhn,
and we bring you good tidings of the
promise
made
unto the fathers.
See also Acts
and especially Rom.
telou?sa should doubtless
be rendered, the uncircumcision which
by nature fulfils the law (cf. v. 14).
428. An Attributive
Participle equivalent to a relative
clause,
may like a relative clause convey a subsidiary idea of
cause,
purpose, condition, or concession (cf. 294, 296 ff., 317
ff.).
It then partakes of the nature of both the Adjective
Participle
and the Adverbial Participle. Of. 434.
eous, who [because he] visiteth with
wrath?
Matt.
saj
th>n yuxh>n au]tou? e!neken e]mou? eu[rh<sei au]th<n, he that
findeth his
life shall lose it, and he that loseth
his life for my sake shall find it.
See also vss. 37,40,41; cf. vss. 38, 42,
and Luke
429.
The Predicative Adjective Participle. A parti-
ciple
may be used as the predicate of the verb el/.l.t or other
copulative
verb.
Matt.
for thus it is becoming for us to fu?fil
all righteousness.
Gal.
]Ioudai<aj, and I was unknown by face unto
the churches of
Rev.
1:18; kai> e]geno<mhn nekro>j
kai> i]dou> zw?n ei]mi> ei]j tou?j ai]w?naj tw?n
ai]w<nwn, and I became dead, and behold, I am alive for
evermore.
430. The
Predicative Participle always stands in the so-
called
predicative position, i.e. not in attributive position,
which
is between the article and its noun or after an article
following
the noun. Cf. 427.
168
THE
MOODS.
431. Under the head
of the Predicative Participle belong
those
Present and Perfect Participles which, with the Present,
Imperfect,
and Future of the verb, form periphrastic Presents,
Imperfects,
Perfects, Pluperfects, Futures, and Future Perfects.
Cf.
20, 34, 71,84, 91, 97; G.MT. 45, 830, 831; B. pp. 308-313;
S.
pp. 131 ff. See Rev. 1 : 18; Matt. 27 : 33; Mark 2 : 18; Luke
Matt.
18: 18.
432. To the Greek
mind there was doubtless a distinction
of
thought between the participle which retained its adjective
force
and its distinctness from the copula, and that which
was
so joined with the copula as to be felt as an element
of
a compound tense-form. This distinction can usually be
perceived
by us; yet in the nature of the case there will
occur
instances which it will be difficult to assign with cer-
tainty
to one class or the other. Since, moreover, an Adjec-
tive
Participle used substantively without the article may
stand
in the predicate, this gives rise to a third possibility.
A.
participle without the article standing in the predicate is
therefore
capable of three explanations:
(a) It may be an Attributive Participle
used substantively.
So
probably
Mark
great possessions. See also John
18:30.
(b) It may be a Predicative Participle
retaining its adjec-
tive
force. So probably the examples under 429, especially
Gal.
1:22.
(c)
It may form with the copula a periphrastic verb-form.
Luke
and it came to pass on one of those days
that he was teaching.
THE ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE. 169
433. An Adjective
Participle used substantively with the
article
may of course occur as a predicate with a copula. This,
however,
is not properly a Predicative Participle. The presence
of
the article makes its use as a noun easily evident. The
participle
without the article may be as really substantive
(432,
a), but is not so easily distinguished as such.
Luke
Luke
THE ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE.
434. The Adverbial Participle logically
modifies some
other
verb of the sentence in which it stands, being equiva-
lent
to an adverbial phrase or clause denoting time, condi-
tion,
concession, cause, purpose, means, manner, or attend-
ant
circumstance. HA. 969; G. 1563. Thus we find:
435. The Adverbial Participle of Time,
equivalent to
a
temporal clause.
Luke
24:36; tau?ta
de> au]tw?n lalou<ntwn au]to>j e@sth e]n me<s& au]tw?n,
and
as they spake these things, he himself stood in the midst of them.
John
16:8; kai> e]lqw>N e]kei?noj
e]le<gcei to>n ko<smon, and he, when he is
come, will convict the world.
436.
The Adverbial Participle of Condition, equiva-
lent
to a conditional clause.
Heb.
2:3; pw?j h[mei?j e]kfeuco<meqa
thlikau<thj a]melh<santej swthri<aj,
how
shall we escape, if we neglect so great salvation?
1Tim.
4:4; o!ti pa?n kti<sma qeou? kalo<n,
kai> ou]de>n a]po<blhton meta>
eu]xaristi<aj
lambano<menon,
for every creature of God is good, and
nothing
is to be rejected, if it be received with tltanksgiving. See also
1 Cor. 11:29; Gal. 6:9.
170
THE
MOODS.
437.
The Adverbial Participle of Concession, equiva-
lent
to a concessive clause. The concessive force is some-
times
emphasized by prefixing kai<per or kai< ge to the
participle.
Acts
a]naireqh?nai
au]to<n,
and though they found no cause of death in him,
yet asked they of Pilate that he should
be slain.
Heb
5:8; kai<per w}n ui[o<j, e@maqen a]f ]
w$n e@paqen th>n u[pakoh<n,
he was a Son, yet he learned obedience
by the things which he suffered.
See also Matt. 14:9; Mark
438. A concessive
participle refers to ~ fact which is
unfavorable
to the occurrence of the event denoted by the
principal
verb. Cf. 278. It should be distinguished from the
participle
which is merely antithetical. A participle denoting
accompanying
circumstance, or even condition or cause, may
be
antithetical. See 1 Cor.
8:9;
Gal. 2:3.
439. The Adverbial Participle of Cause,
equivalent
to
a causal clause.
Col.
1:3, 4; eu]xaristou?men t&? qe&? . . .
a]kou<santej th>n pi<stin u[mw?n e]n
Xrist&? ]Ihsou?, we give thanks to God. . . having heard
(because
we have heard) of your faith in Christ
Jesus.
1
Tim. 4:8; h[
de> eu]se<beia pro>j pa<nta w]fe<limo<j e]stin,
e]paggeli<an
e@xousa
zwh?j th?j nu?n kai> th?j mellou<shj, but godliness is profitable
for all things, having promise of the
life which now is, and of that which
is to come. See also Matt. 2:3, 10; Acts
440. [Wj
prefixed to a Participle of Cause implies that the
action
denoted by the participle is supposed; asserted, or pro-
fessed
by some one, usually the subject of the principal verb,
to
be the cause of the action of the principal verb. The
speaker
does not say whether the supposed or alleged cause
actually
exists. HA. 978; G. 1574.
THE ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE. 171
1
Cor.
but
some are puffed up, as though I were not coming to you, i.e. be-
cause
(as they suppose) I am not coming. See also Acts 23: 15,
20; 27:30; 28:19; 1 Pet. 4:12.
441. The origin of
this idiom is probably in a clause of manner con-
sisting
of WS and a finite verb, the latter modified by a Participle of Cause.
Thus
kola<zeij me w[j kakopoih<santa, you punish me as having done evil, i.e.
you punish me
because, as you allege, I have done evil, may have its
origin
in such a sentence as kola<zeij me w[j kola<zeij
tina> kakopoih<santa, you punish me,
as you punish one who has (or because he has) done evil. Yet
it
is not to be supposed that the Greek any more than the English required
the
supplying of a finite verb after w[j. Such phraBes
in classical Greek
or
in the New Testament are, as they stand and without the addition of
other
words, expressions of cause, the use of w[j indicating that
the phrase
describes
the opinion or assertion of the snbject of the sentence rather
than
of the speaker.
442. The Adverbial
Participle of Purpose, equivalent
to
a final clause. This is usually, but not invariably, in
the
Future tense.
Acts
to
Acts
443. The Adverbial
Participle of Means. This can-
not
usually be resolved into a clause.
Matt.
h[liki<an
au]tou? ph?xun e!na,
and which of you by being anxious can
add
one cubit unto his stature.f See also Acts 16 : 16 j Heb. 2 : 18.
444. The Adverbial
Participle of Manner, describing
the
manner in which the action denoted by the verb is
done.
Acts
See also Luke 19:48.
172
THE MOODS.
445. The manner of
an action is frequently expressed by
w[j with the participle.
Mark
grammatei?j, for he taught
them as one having authority, and not as the
scribes.
1
Cor.
ing the air.
2
Cor.
toj
di ] h[mw?n, we are ambassadors therefore on behalf of
Christ, as
though
God were intreating by us.
446. When WS with
the participle is used to express manner, the parti-
ciple
itself may be either an Adjective Participle used substantively or an
Adverbial
Participle of Manner. The origin of such expressions is doubt-
less,
in either case, in a clause of manner consisting of w[j
and a finite verb
similar
to the principal verb, the participle being either the subject of
such
a verb or an adverbial (or other) limitation of it. Thus dida<skei w[j
e@xwn e]cousi<an is equivalent
to dida<skei w[j e@@xwn e]cousi<an
dida<ske,
he
teaches
as one having authority teaches, or dida<skei
w!j tij dida<skei e@xwn
e]cousi<an, he teaches as
one teaches hamng authoNty. Yet m neIther case is to be
supposed
that the Greek, any more than the English, required the sup-
plying
of a finite verb after w[j. The phrase as it stood was an expres-
sion
of manner. That the participle, however, was in some cases still
felt
as a substantive (Adjective Participle used substantively) seems
probable
from its being used correlatively with an adjective or noun and
from
the occasional use of the participle with the article. See Mark 1:22
above;
also 1 Cor. 7:25; 2 Cor. 6:9, 10; 1 Pet. 2:16; and cf. Mark
participle
itself is sometimes adverbial is evident from such cases as 2 Cor.
447. The participle
expressing manner or means often
denotes
the same action as that of the principal verb, describ-
ing
it from a different point of view. In this case the participle
is
as respects its tense a (Present or Aorist) Participle of
Identical
Action (cf. 120, 139), while as respects its modal
function
it is a participle of manner or means.
THE ADVERBIAL PARTICIPLE. 173
Acts
diexeiri<sasqe
krema<santej e]pi> cu<lou, the
God of our fathers raised
up
Jesus, whom ye slew by hanging him on a tree. See also Acts
448. In quotations
from the Old Testament a participle is
sometimes
placed before a personal form of the same verb.
The
idiom arises from an imitation of the Hebrew construction
with
the Infinitive Absolute. The force of the participle is
in
general intensive. Hr. 28, 3, a; B. pp. 313 f.; WM. pp.
445
f.; WT. pp. 354 f.
Heb.
I
will bless thee, and multiplying I will multiply thee.
449. The Adverbial
Participle of Attendant Circum-
stance.
Mark
sunergou?ntoj
kai> to>n lo<gon bebaiou?ntoj, and
they went forth and
preached
everywhere, the Lord working with them and confirming the
word.
Luke
menoj
u[po> pa<ntwn,
and he taught in their synagogues, being glorified
of all.
Acts
e]klecame<nouj
a@ndraj e]c au]tw?n pe<myai ei]j
]Antio<xeian,
then it
seemed good to the apostles and the
elders. ..to choose men out of their
company and send them to
Acts
Pri<skilla
kai> ]Aku<laj, keira<menoj e]n
Kenxreai?j th>n kefalh>n
and Paul. . . sailed thence for
having shorn his head in Cenchrere.
2
Tim.
bring him with thee. See also Luke
5:7; 11:7.
450. The term
"attendant" as used above does not define the tem-
poral
relation of the participle to the verb, but the logical relation. The
action
of a Participle of Attendant Circumstance may precede the action
174
THE
MOODS.
of
the principal verb, accompany it, or even follow it. But as respects
logical
relation, it is presented merely a.s an accompa,niment of the action
of
the verb. It does not, e.g., define the time or the cause, or the means
of
the action of the priJicipal verb, but simply prefixes or adds an asso-
ciated
fact or conception. It is thus often equivalent to a coordinate verb
with
kai<. Though grammatically not an independent element of
the
sentence,
the participle in such cases becomes in thought. assertive,
hortatory,
optative, imperative, etc., according to the function of the
principal
verb.
The position of the Participle of
Attendant Circumstance with refer-
ence
to the verb is not detennined by any fixed rules, but by the order
of
the writer's thought, this being in turn governed of course to a certain
extent
by the order of the events. If the action of the participle is ante-
cedent
to that of the verb, the participle most commonly precedes the verb,
but
not invariably. Such a participle is usually in the Aorist tense (134),
but
occasionally in the Present (127). If the action of the participle is
simultaneous
with that of the verb, it may either p1'ecede or follow the
verb.,
more frequently the latter. It is of course in the Present tense
(119).
If the action of the participle is subsequent to that of the priJici-
pal
verb, it almost invariably follows the verb, the tense of the participle
being
detennined by the conception of the action as respects jts progress.
The
instances of this last-named class are not frequent in the New Testa-
ment
and are perhaps due to Aramaic influence. Cf. 119, Rem.; 146.
451. The various
relations of time, cause,manner, etc., being
not
expressed, but implied by the participle, cases arise in
which
it is impossible to assign the participle unquestionably
to
anyone of the above heads. Indeed, more than one of these
relations
may be implied by the same participle.
452. THE GENITIVE
ABSOLUTE. An Adverbial Participle
may
stand in agreement with a noun or pronoun in the geni-
tive
without grammatical dependence upon any other part of
the
sentence, the two constituting a genitive absolute phrase
and
expressing any of the adverbial relations enumerated in
435-449.
HA. 970, 971; G. 1568.
Rom.
9:1; a]lh<qeian
le<gw e]n Xrist&?, ou] yeu<domai, sunmarturou<shj
moi th?j
suneidh<sew<j mou e]n pneu<mati a[gi<&, I say the
truth in Christ,
I lie not, my conscience bearing witness
with me in the Holy Ghost.
See also John 8: 30; Acts
THE SUBSTANTIVE PARTICIPLE. 175
453. The noun or
pronoun of the genitive absolute phrase regularly
refers
to a person or thing not otherwise mentioned in the sentence.
Occasionally,
however, this principle is violated, and the genitive phrase
may
even refer to the subject of the sentence. This irregularity is some-
what
more frequent in the New Testament than in classical Greek. HA.
972,
d.; G .MT. 850. See Matt. 1:18; Acts
22:17, and other examples in
B. pp. 315 f.
454. A participle
in the genitive absolute occasionally stands alone
without
an accompanying noun or pronoun, when the person or thing
referred
to is easily perceived from the context. HA..
972, a.; G. 1568;
G.MT.848. See Luke
455. The Adverbial
Participle always stands in the so-called
predicative
position, i.e. not in attributive position, which is
between
the article and its noun or after an article following
the
noun. Of. 427.
THE SUBSTANTIVE PARTICIPLE.
456. The
Substantive Participle is employed as itself
the
name of an action. It thus performs a function which
is
more commonly discharged by the Infinitive. HA. 980-
984;
G.1578-1593.
457. The
Substantive Participle as Subject. The
Substantive
Participle may be used as an integral part of
the
subject of a verb, the action which it denotes being
itself
an essential part of that of which the predicate is
affirmed.
Matt.
be
seen of men to fast.
(Not only they, but their fasting, is to be seen.)
Acts
5:2; ou]k e]pau<onto dida<skontej
kai> eu]aggelizo<menoi to>n xristo>n
]Ihsou?n, they
ceased not teaching and preaching Jesus as the Christ.
See also Matt.
lalw?n.
176
THE
MOODS.
458.
The Substantive Participle as Object. The Sub-
stantive
Participle may be used as an integral part of the
object
of a transitive verb. This occurs especially after
verbs
of perception, the action denoted by the participle
being
itself that which one perceives.
Luke
ceived power to have gone out of me.
John
heard the multitude murmuring.
459.
With verbs of finishing, ceasing, etc., the Substantive
Participle
agrees grammatically with the subject of the verb.
Since,
however, certain of these verbs are transitive, the
action
denoted by the participle must in these cases be re-
garded
as logically the object of the verb.
Matt.
11:1; o!te e]te<lesen o[ ]Ihsou?j diata<sswn toi?j dw<deka
maqhtai?j
au]tou?, when Jesus had finished commanding his
twelve disciples. Cf.
Matt. 13:53; see also Luke 7:45.
460.
THE SUBSTANTIVE PARTICIPLE IN INDIRECT DISCOURSE.
A
Substantive Participle forming a part of the object of a verb
is
sometimes equivalent to a clause of inqirect discourse.
1
John 4:2; pa?n pneu?ma o
luqo<ta
e]k tou? qeou? e]sti<n,
every spirit which confesseth that Jesus
Christ has come in the flesh is of God. See also Luke
4:23;
Acts 7:12; 8:23; 3 John 4.
461. The Substantive Participle as a
Limiting Gen-
itive. The SubstantIve PartIcIple may be used as an
integral
part of a genitive limiting phrase.
John
4:39; polloi>
e]pi<steusan ei]j au]to>n tw?n Samareitw?n dia> to>n lo<gon
th?j
gunaiko>j marturou<shj, many of the
Samaritans believed on him
because of the word of the woman
testifying,
i.e. of the woman's testi-
mony. See also Heb. 8: 9; and cf. Jos.
Ant. 10. 4. 2, where a Sub-
stantive Participle occurs after a
preposition.
THE SUBSTANTIVE
PARTICIPLE. 177
462.
The Substantive Participle, like the Adverbial Parti-
ciple,
always stands in the so-called predicative position. Of.
455,
and 427.
463.
The Substantive Participle must be carefully distin-
guished
from the Adjective Participle used substantively.
The
latter designates the doer of an action, the former the
action
itself. "In the one it is the adjective force of the word
which
is substantivized, in the other, the verbal force." See
Stevens,
THE USE OF NEGATIVES WITH
VERBS.
464.
In the use of the simple negatives ou] and mh<
and
their
compounds, ou]de<, ou]dei<j, ou@te,
ou]ke<ti, mhde<, mhdei<j, mh<te,
mhke<ti, etc., as also
of the double negatives ou] mh< and mh> ou],
New
Testament Greek conforms in the main to classical
usage,
yet exhibits several important variations. The foI-
lowing
sections exhibit the essential features of New Testa-
ment
usage in comparison with that of classical writers;
rarer
.and. more delicate classical usages whi~h have no
analogies
In New Testament usage are not mentIoned; state-
ments
which are not restricted to clas~ical or New Testame~t
usage
are to be understood as referrIng to both. What IS
said
respecting the simple negatives ou and /L1} applies in
general
also to their respective compounds when standing
alone.
NEGATIVES WITH THE
INDICATIVE.
465.
The Indicative in an independent declaratory sentence
regularly
takes ou as its negative. HA. 1020;
G. 1608.
John
1:11; ei]j ta> i@dia h#lqen, kai> oi[
i@dioi au]to>n ou] pare<labon,
he
came unto his own, and they that were
his own received him not.
REM. On the use of negatives in later
Greek, see Gild., Encroach-
ments
of mh< on ou]
in later Greek, in A.J: P. I. pp. 45ff.
178
NEGATIVES WITH
THE INDICATIVE. 179
466. In classical Greek, the Future
Indicative used to ex-
press
a prohibition sometimes has ov, sometimes mh<. HA.
844;
G.MT. 69, 70.
In the New Testament a Prohibitory
Future takes ou].
Matt.
6:5; kai>
o!tan proseu<xhsqe, ou]k e@sesqe w[j oi[ u[pokritai<, and
when ye pray, ye shall not be as the
hypocrites.
467. In questions that can be answered
affirmatively or
negatively,
ov is used with the Indicative to imply that an
affirmative
answer is expected; mh< to imply that a negative
answer
is expected. HA. 1015; G. 1603.
Matt.
13:55; ou]x ou$to<j e]stin o[ tou?
te<ktonoj ui[o<j,
is not this the car-
penter's son?
John
7:51; mh> o[ no<moj h[mw?n kri<nei
to>n a@nqrwpon e]a>n mh> a]kou<s^
prw?ton
par ] au]tou?,
doth our law judge a man, except it first
hear from
himself?
468.
In Rom. 10:18, 19; 1 Cor. 9:4, 5; 11:22, mh> ou] is
used
in rhetorical questions equivalent to affirmative state-
ments.
Each negative has, however, its own proper force,
ou] making the verb negative, and mh<
implying that a negative
answer
is expected to the question thus made negative.
469.
In classical Greek, the Indicative in conditional and
conditional
relative clauses is regularly negatived by mh<. But
ov
sometimes occurs in conditions of the first class. In this
case
ou]
negatives the verb of the clause or other single element
rather
than the supposition as such. HA.1021; G.1610, 1383.
In the New Testament, conditional
clauses of the second
class
(248) are regularly negatived by mh<. In other
conditional
clauses
and in conditional relative clauses, the Indicative
usually
takes ov as its negative, occasionally mh<. In con-
cessive
clauses the Indicative takes ou].
180 THE USE OF NEGATIVES
WITH VERBS
John
9:33; ei]
mh> h#n ou$toj para> qeou?, ou]k h]du<nato poiei?n ou]de<n, if this
man were not from God, he could do
nothing.
See also Matt. 24:22.
Rom.
8:9; ei]
de> tij pneu?ma Xristou? ou]k e@xei, ou$toj ou]k e@stin au]tou?,
but if any man
hath not the Spirit of Christ, he is none of his. See
also Luke 14: 26.
Matt.
10:38; kai> o
o]pi<sw
mou, ou]k e@stin mou a@cioj, and he that does not take his cross
and follow after me, is not worthy of
me. See also Luke 9:50;
14:33; cf. 2 Pet. 1:9; 1 John 4:3.
Luke
18:4, 5; ei] kai> to>n qeo>n ou]
fobou?mai ou]de> a@nqrwpon e]ntre<pomai,
sia<
ge to> pare<xein moi ko<pon th>n xh<ran tau<thn e]kdikh<sw
au]th<n,
though
I fear not God nor regard man, yet because this widow
troubleth me, I will avenge her.
2
Cor. 13:5; h@ ou]k e]piginw<skete e[autou>j
o!ti ]Ihsou?j Xristo>j e]n
u[mi?n;
ei] mh<ti a]do<kimoi< e]ste, or now ye not as to your own selves that
Jesus Christ is in you? unless indeed ye are reprobate. See also
1 Tim. 6:3; Tit. 1:6.
REM. In Matt. 26:24; Mark 14:21, ou
occurs in the protasis of a
conditional
sentence of the second class.
470.
It is possible that ou in conditional and conditional relative
sentences
in the New Testament is usually to be explained as negativing
the
predicate directly (cf. G. 1383. 2; Th. ei], III. 11.), mh<
on the other
hand
as negativing the supposition as such. Yet the evidence does not
clearly
establish this distinction; to press it in every case is certainly
an
over-refinement. Cf., e,g., 1 John 4:3, pa?n
pneu?ma o{ mh> o[mologei? to>n
]Ihsou?n e]k tou? qeou? ou]k e@stin, and 1 John
4:6, o
quite
evidently belongs to the verb rather than to the supposition as such.
471. Ei]
mh< in
the sense of except is used as a fixed phrase,
without
reference to the mood which would follow it if the
ellipsis
were supplied. Of. 274.
Matt.
17:8; ou]de<na
ei#don ei] mh> au]to>n ]Ihsou?n
mo<non,
they saw no one
save Jesus only.
Mark
9:9; diestei<lato au]toi?j i!na
mhdeni> a
o!tan
o[ ui[o>j tou? a]nqrw<pou e]k nekrwn a]nast^?, he charged them that
they should tell no man what things
they had seen, save when the Son
of man should have arisen from the
dead.
SUBJUNCTIVE,
OPTATIVE, AND IMPERATIVE. 181
472.
In clauses introduced by mh< as a conjunction, the
Indicative
takes oil as its negative. After other final particles
its
negative is mh<. HA. 1021, 1033; G. 1610.
Rev.
9:4; kai> e]rre<qh au]tai?j i!na
mh> a]dikh<sousin to>n xo<rton th?j gh?j,
and it was said unto them that they
should not hurt the grass of the
earth. The continuation of this
sentence by ou8l ...ou8l is a
syntactical irregularity. Col. 2:8
illustrates the rule.
473.
In indirect discourse the negative of the direct form
is
retained. HA. 1022; G.1608.
Matt.
16:11; pw?j
ou] noei?te o!ti ou] peri> a@rtwn ei#pon u[mi?n,
that ye do not perceive that I spake
not to you concerning bread,
REM. In 1 John 2:22 a clause of
indirect discourse depending on a
verb
meaning to deny contains a redundant oil. Cf. 482, and B. p. 355.
474.
In causal clauses, and in simple relative clauses not
expressing
purpose or condition, the Indicative is regularly
negatived
by oil. HA. 1021; G. 1608.
John
8:20; kai>
ou]dei>j e]pi<asen au]to<n, o!ti ou@pw e]lhlu<qei h[ w!ra au]tou?,
and no man took h'im; because his hour
was not yet conte.
Mark
2:24; i@de
ti< poiou?sin toi?j sa<bbasin o
do they on the sabbath day that which
is not lawful?
REM. 1. In John 3:18 a causal clause
has an Indicative with mh<. This
is
quite exceptional in the New Testament, but similar instances occur in
later
Greek. B. p. 349, Gild. u.s. p. 53.
REM. 2. Tit. 1:11, dida<skontej a{ mh> dei? is an exception to the general
rule
for relative clauses, unless indeed the relative clause is to be taken
as
conditional. Cf. 469.
NEGATIVES WITH THE SUBJUNCTIVE,
OPTATIVE, AND
IMPERATIVE.
475.
The negative of the Subjunctive both in principal and
in
subordinate clauses is mh<, except in clauses introduced by
182
THE
USE OF NEGATIVES WITH VERBS.
the
conjunction mh<, lest. In these the negative is
ov. Con-
cerning
ou] mh< with the Subjunctive see 487, 488. HA. 1019,
1033
; G. 1610.
1
John 3:18; mh> a]gapw?men lo<g&, let us not love in word.
Heb.
4:7; mh> sklhru<nhte ta>j
kardi<aj u[mw?n,
harden not your hearts.
2
Cor. 12:20; fobou?mai ga>r mh< pw?j
e]lqw>n ou]x oi!ouj qe<lw eu!rw
u[ma?j, for I fear,
lest by any means, when I come, I should find you
not such as 1 would. See also Acts 20:
16; Rom. 10: 15; 1 Cor.
2:5.
REM. 1. In Matt. 25:9 a Subjunctive
after the conjunction mh< is
negatived
by ou] (WH. margin), or, according to other MSS., followed by
WH.
(text) by the strong negative ou] mh<.
REM. 2. In Rom. 5:11 ou] mo<non limits a verb understood which is
probably
to be taken as a Subjunctive. Of. 479, 481.
476. In classical Greek, ou]
is used with the Potential
Optative;
mh<
with the Optative of Wishing. In the New
Testament,
no instance of a negatived Potential Optative
occurs.
With the Optative of Wishing mh< is used as in
classical
Greek. HA.l020; G. 1608.
Gal.
6:14; e]moi>
de> mh> ge<noito kauxa?sqai, but far be it from me to glory.
See also Mark 11:14; Rom. 3:4, 6, 31,
etc.
477. In classical Greek, the Optative
in subordinate clauses
takes
mh<
as its negative except in indirect discourse and after
mh<, lest. HA. 1021, 1022; G. 1610.
In the New Testament, no instance of a
negatived Optative
in
a subordinate clause occurs.
478. The negative of the Imperative is
mh<.
HA. 1019;
G.
1610.
This rule holds in the New Testament
with very rare
exceptions.
Luke
12:11; mh> merimnh<shte pw?j [h} ti] a]pologh<shsqe, be
not anxious
how or what ye shall answer. See also under
165.
INFINITIVE AND
PARTICIPLE. 183
479. Of the apparent exceptions to the
rule stated above (478), some
are
to be explained M parenthetic non-imperative phrases in the midst of
imperative
sentences. So, clearly, in 1 Cor. 5: 10, [I
meant] not [that
you should have
no company] at all, with the fornicators of this world, etc.
So
also 2 Tim. 2: 14, that they strive not
about words, [a thing which is]
profitable for
nothing.
The use of ou]x rather than mh<
in 1 Pet. 3:3 seems
to
indicate that the following words, o[ . . . ko<smoj, are excluded from the
injunction
rather than included in a prohibition. In 1 Pet. 2:18 ou] mo<non
occurs,
perhaps as a fixed phrase, after a participle with Imperative of the
verb
ei#nai
understood. On the other hand, it is noticeable that elsewhere
limitations
of the Imperative when negatived regularly take mh<. Thus mh<
mo<non occurs in John 13:9; Phil. 2:12;
Jas. 1:22. Of. 481.
NEGATIVES WITH
THE INFINITIVE AND PARTICIPLE.
480. In classical Greek, the
Infinitive usually takes ou] as
its
negative in indirect discourse; elsewhere mh<. HA. 1023,
1024;
G. 1611; but see also Gild. u.s. (465, Rem.) pp. 48 ff.
on
the use of mh< with the Infinitive in indirect
discourse.
In the New Testament, the Infinitive
regularly takes mh<
as
its negative in all constructions.
Matt.
22:23; le<gontej
mh> ei#nai a]na<stasin, saying that there is no
resurrection.
Luke
11:42; ta?ta de> e@dei poih?sai ka]kei?na
mh> parei?nai,
but these ought
ye to have done, and not to leave the
other undone.
481. When a limitation of an
Infinitive or of its subject
is
to be negatived rather than the Infinitive itself, the negative
ou] is sometimes used instead of mh<.
See Rom. 7:6; 1 Cor.
1:17;
Heb. 7:11; 13:9. This principle applies especially
in
the case of the adverb mo<non. In the New'Testament at
least,
ou] mo<non rather than mh> mo<non occurs regularly with the
Infinitive,
and this both when the phrase as a whole belongs
to
the Infinitive itself, and when it applies rather to some
limitation
of the Infinitive. See John 11:52; Acts 21:13;
26:29;
27:10; Rom. 4:12, 16; 13:5; 2 Cor. 8:10; Phil.
184
THE USE OF NEGATIVES WITH
VERBS.
1:29;
1 Thess. 2:8. Mh> mo<non is found with the Infinitive
only
in Gal. 4:18. It is perhaps as a fixed phrase, unaffected
by
the Infinitive, that ei]j ou]qe<n limits logisqh?nai in Acts 19:27.
482. A compound of ou]
may occur with an Infinitive depend-
ent
on a principal verb limited by ov, in accordance with the
principle
of 488.
John
5:30; ou]
du<namai e]gw> poiei?n a]p ] e]mautou? ou]de<n, I can of myself
do nothing. See also Mark
7:12; Luke 20:40; John 3:27, etc.
Probably Acts 26 : 26 should be
translated, I am not persuaded (i.e.
I
cannot believe) that any of these things was hidden from him. B. p.
350.
483.
The Infinitive after verbs of hindering, denying, etc.,
may
take mh< without change of meaning. Such a
negative
cannot
be translated into English. HA. 1029; G. 1615.
Acts
14:18; kai> tau?ta le<gontej mo<lij
kate<pausan tou>j o@xlouj tou?
mh>
qu<ein au]toi?j,
and with these sayings scarce restrained
they the
multitudes from doing sacrifice unto
them.
See also under 402.
484.
In classical Greek, an Infinitive which would regularly
take
mh<,
usually takes p.iJ ov when it depends on a verb which
is
itself negatived by ou]. HA.
1034; G.1616.
In the New Testament, the simple
negative p.1] is retained
in
such a case.
Acts
4:20; ou]
duna<meqa ga>r h[mei?j a
for we cannot but speak the things
which we saw and heard.
485.
In classical Greek, the participle takes mh< if it is
equivalent
to a conditional, or conditional relative clause;
otherwise
it takes ou]. HA.
1025; G. 1612; Gild. u.s. (465,
Rem.)
pp. 55 ff.
In the New Testament, participles in
all. relations usually
take
mh<
as the negative. But participles not conditional in
SUCCESSIVE AND
DOUBLE NEGATIVES. 185
force
occasionally take ou], there being in all some seventeen
instances
in the New Testament.
Acts
13:28; kai>
mhdemi<an ai]ti<an qana<tou eu[ro<ntej ^]th<santo Peila?ton
a]naireqh?nai
au]to<n,
and though they found no cause of death
in him,
yet asked they of Pilate that he
should be slain.
Luke
12:33; poih<sate e[autoi?j balla<ntia
mh> palaiou<mena,
make for
yourself purses which wax not old.
John
5:23; o[ mh> timw?n to>n ui[o>n ou]
tim%? to>n pate<ra,
he that honoreth
not the Son honoreth not the Father.
Matt.
22:11; ei#den e]kei? a@nqrwpon ou]k
e]ndedume<non e@nduma ga<mou, he
saw there a man which had not on a
wedding-garment.
Acts
17:6; mh>
eu[ro<ntej de> au]tou>j e@suron
]Ia<sona kai< tinaj a]delfou>j e]pi>
tou>j
polita<rxaj,
and not finding them they dragged Jason
and certain
brethren before the rulers of the city. See also Matt.
22:29; Luke
6:42; 9:33; John 10:12; Acts 7:5;
13:28; 26:22; Gal. 4:8.
SUCCESSIVE AND DOUBLE
NEGATIVES.
486.
When two simple negatives not constituting a double
negative,
or a compound negative followed by a simple nega-
tive,
occur in the same clause, each has its own independent
force.
The same .is also true of course when the negatives
occur
in successive clauses. HA. 1031; G. 1618.
1Cor
12:15; ou]
para> tou?to ou]k e@stin e]k tou? sw<matoj, it is not
therefore not of. the body. See also 1
John 3: 10; 5: 12.
Matt.
10:26; ou]de>n ga<r e]stin
kekalumme<non o
for
there is nothing covered, that shall not be revealed. See also
1 John 2:21.
REM. Concerning mh> ou] in questions, see 468.
487. The double negative ou] mh> is used with the Subjunc-
tive,
and more rarely with the Future Indicative, in emphatic
negative
assertions referring to the future. Cf. 172, 66. HA.
1032;
G. 1360, 1361.
186
THE USE OF NEQATlVES WITH
VERBS.
Mark
13:2; ou] mh> a]feq^? w$de li<qoj e]pi> li<qon o
there shall not be left here one stone
upon another, which shall not be
thrown down.
Rev.
2:11; o[
nikw?n ou] mh> a]dikhq^? e]k tou? qana<tou tou? deute<rou,
that overcometh shall not be hurt of
the second death.
Rev.
7:16; ou]
peina<sousin e@ti ou]de> diyh<sousin e@ti, ou]de> mh> pe<s^
e]p ]
au]tou>j
o[ h!lioj,
they shall hunger no more, neither thirst
any more,
neither shall the sun strike upon them
at all.
On Matt. 25: 9 see
475, Rem. 1.
488. Ou]
mh<
is occasionally used with the Subjunctive or
Future
Indicative expressing a prohibition. Cf. 167, 67,
Rem.
2.
489. When a negative is followed by
one or more similar
compound
negatives or by the double negative oll p.'r/ the effect
is
a strengthened negation. HA. 1030; G. 1619.
Luke
23:53; ou$ ou]k h#n ou]dei>j ou@pw
kei<menoj,
where never man had yet
lain.
Heb.
13:5; ou] mh< se a]nw? ou]d ] ou] mh< se e]gkataki<pw, I will in no wise
fail thee, neither will I in any wise
forsake thee.
Rom.
13:8; mhdeni> mhde>n o]fei<lete, owe no man anything.
INDEX OF
SUBJECTS.
[The Numbers refer
to Sections.]
Adjective
Participle, 420-433, see 166,
167; Optative in indirect dis-
under
Participle. course,
110, 111; Imperative in
Adjectives
of ability, fitness, readi- commands and prohibitions, 163,
ness, etc., followed
by clause with 184; Infinitive
after prepositions,
i!na, 216; followed by Infinitive, 104-109; Infinitive after verbs
376;
followed by elf with the ar- signifying
to hope, etc., 113; In-
ticular
In:finitive, 413. finitive
in indirect discourse, 110,
Adverbial
Participle, 434-455, see 114.
under
Participle. Participle: properly expresses
Adverbs,
limited by Infinitive, 3.76. not
time but action conceived of
Aoristic
Present, 13; Aoristic Fut- as
a simple event, 132, 133; used
ure,
59, 62; Aoristic Perfect, 80. of
antecedent action, 134-138; of
Aorist:
constant characteristic, 35; identical
action, 139-141; of sub-
Indefinite,
Inceptive, Resultative, sequent
action, 142-145; as inte-
35,
37. gral
part of the object of a verb
Indicative:
Historical, 38; mo- of
perception, 146; with lanqa<nw,
mentary,
comprehensive, collec- 147;
leaving time-relation unde-
tive,
39, 40, 54; Inceptive, 41; fined,
148; denoting action in
Resultative,
42, 87; Gnomic, 43; general
simultaneous with that
Epistolary,
44; Dramatic, 45; for of
principal verb, 149; with the
English
Perfect, 46, 52, 54; with article,
equivalent to relative
force
of Greek Perfect, 47; for clause
with verb in Indicative or
English
Pluperfect, 48, 52-54; in Subjunctive,
135, 144, 150, 151.
indirect
discourse, 49; used pro- Apodosis:
defined, 238; force and
leptically,
50; in condition con- form
of, after simple present and
trary
to fact, 248; in apodosis of past
particular suppositions, 242,
such
condition, 248, 249; with a@n 243; after supposition contrary
to
in
past general supposition, 26, fact,
248, 249; after future sup-
315;
expressing an unattained position
more probable, 250, 263 ;
wish,
27; English equivalents, 52, after
(implied) future supposition
63;
distinction between Aorist with
less probability, 259; after
and
Imperfect, 56, 57; between present
general supposition, 260,
Aorist
and Perfect, 86, 87. 263;
after past general supposi-
Dependent
Moods, 98; Sub- tion, 265
; may have two protases,
junctive
in prohibitions, 162-164, 268;
may be omitted, 271; its
187
188
INDEX OF
SUBJECTS.
verb
may be omitted, 273; im- Deliberative Future, 70.
plied
in the protasis, 276; after Deliberative Subjunctive, 168; in
concessive
protasis, 278. relative clauses, 319.
Article
with the participle, position Dependent moods, enumerated, 3;
of,
427. 'term not strictly applicable, 3,
Attendant
circumstance expressed Rem.
by
participle, 449, 119, 145. Direct Quotations, 334, 335; intro-
Attributive
Participle, 421-428, see d~ced by lJTL, 345; frequent in
i;
under Participle; cf. 419, Rem. 1. New Testament, 345.
:!
Causal clauses, 228-232; other Dramatic Aorist, 45.
li,\
methods of expressing causal re- English Equivalents of Greek Aorist
r
i:., lations, 233; negatives in, 474. Indicative, 52, 53.
,
!
(i
t' CircuJnstantial Participle, see 419, English tenses, three-fold function,
i'i
Rem. 1. 354.
li
j:' Commands: expressed by Future Epistolary Aorist, 44.
:Ii
\: Indicative, 67; by Subjunctive, Exhortations, expressed by the Sub-
~:
162-164, 166, 167; by Imperative, junctive, 160-162; by the Impera-
S:
180; by Infinitive, 364; negatived tive, 180.
::,:
by IJ.1l, 478; apparently negatived Exegetical grammar, scope and re-
,
by 00, 479; negatived by 00 IJ.1l, lation to historical grammar, 2.
488
; indirectly quoted, 204. Explanatory relative clauses, 295.
'"
.Complete and completed, sense of Final clauses (pure), 197-199. For
Ii
~ as grammatical terms, 85. relative clauses of purpose, see
j;~'
Conative tenses: Present Indicative, Relative clauses.
"
c
Iii:;
11; Imperfect Indicative, 23; Final Particles, 190; clauses intro-
Ii';:
Present Participle, 129. duced by, 188; general usage of
I:;
Concessive clauses, 278-288: general such clauses, 189; usage of several
li\
definition, 278; particles intro- particles in detail, 191-195.
IN
ducing, 279-282; use of moods Form and function distinguished, 1.
ii"
and tenses, 283; various classes, Future:
:'
284-287 ; English translation, 288 ; Indicative: Predictive, 58-66;
;
participle equivalent to, 437. Aoristic, 59;. Progressive, 60;
::
Conditional sentences, 238-277 ; value and significance of these
;;,
definition, 238; express particular distinctions, 61-64; assertive and
:
I: or general supposition, 239, 240 ; promissory force, 65; with 00 IJ.1l,
:i!~
classification, 241; six classes, 66; Imperative Future, 67; in
j:
,t:' 242-265; peculiarities of, 266-277 ; third person, 68; Gnomic, 69;
~
I: ~ negatives in conditional clauses, Deliberative, 70 ; periphrastic
~
J§ 469 475. See also Conditional forms, 71, 72 ; in final clauses and
,
c ,
:
It Relative sentences, under Relative clauses introduced by final par-
r
f:~~ clauses. ticles, 198, 199, 205, 211, 215,
(
I i Consecutive clauses, 234-236; see 218, 224, Rem. 2; in cor:ditional
l
[~' also Result. clauses, 246, 254, 255; WIth El by
i:
~ Definite Relative clauses, see under Hebraism with the force of an
11ft
Relative clauses. oath, 272; with El expressing an
'"
rr
:;
t
Ii
~
p~
::
~
ii~
i~
i.:~
!;
[';
" Ii Ii
1\
\"
,..
-
,
.
INDEX
OF SUBJECTS. 189
object
of desire, 276; in con- Imperative: in commands and ex-
cessive
clauses referring to the hortations, 180; in entreaties and
,
future, 285 (a); in conditional petitions, 181; expressing con-
relative
clauses, 308; in rela- sent or hypothesis, 182, 183 ; force
tive
clauses of purpose, 317; in .of tenses, 184, 163, 165; intro-
complementary
relative clauses, duced by wuTe, 237; negative of,
318;
in relative clauses intro- 478, 479.
duced
by 4Xpt, 332; negatives Imperative Future, 67.
with
Future Indicative, 465, 466. Imperfect Indicative: Progressive,
Dependent
moods, 99; peri- 21, 22; Conative, 23; of repeated
phrastic
form made from p.fAAetll, action, 24; expressing an unat.
100.
tained wish, 27; translated by
Participle:
represents action English Perfect, 28 ; translated by
relatively
future, 152; of later English Pluperfect, 29; Imper-
origin
than other participles, 152, fect of verbs of obligation, etc.,
Rem.;
periphrastic form made 3~2; of verbs of wishing, 33;
from
p.EAAWII and Infinitive, 153. in condition contrary to fact, 248;
Future
Perfect Indicative, in New in apodosis of such condition, 248,
Testament
only in periphrastic 249; with 411 in conditional rela-
form,
93, 94. tive clauses, past general suppo-
General
and particular suppositions: sition, 315; in indirect discourse
expressed,
239, 240; implied in for Present Indicative, 348; peri-
relative
clause, 298, 299. phrastic form, 34; distinction
General
Present: Indicative, 12; between Imperfect and Aorist, 56,
Participle,
12~l26. 67.
Genitive
absolute, 452-454. Inceptive Aorist, 35, 37; Indicative,
Gnomic
tenses: Present, 12; Aorist, 41; dependent moods, 98; parti~
43;
Future, 69; Perfect, 79. ciple, 137.
Grammar,
relation of, to interpreta- Indefinite Aorist, 35, 98.
tion,
2. Indicative:
Hebraisms
in the New Testament: IIi principal clauses: in un-
Ei
with Future Indicative with qualified assertions, etc., 157; in
force
of an emphatic assertion, qualified assertions, 158, 159.
272;
clause or Infinitive as sub- In subordinate clauses: in final
ject
of loyEllero, 357; Infinitive clauses and clauses introduced by
defining
content of action of a final particles, 198, 199, 205, 211,
previous
verb or noun, 375; in- 215,224, Rem. 2,227; in clauses
tensive
participle, 448. of cause, 229, 230; in clauses of
Historical
grammar, relation to result, 235, 236; in conditional
exegetical
grammar, 2. clauses, 242, 248, 254-256, 261; in
Historical
Present, 14; Historical concessive clauses, 284, 285 (a) ;
:,
Aorist, 38; Historical Perfect, in definite relative clauses, 293,
78.
294 ; in conditional relative
'.
Hortatory Subjunctive, 160, 161; clauses, 301, 308, 309, 313; with
,
introduced by wuTe, 237. 411, 315; in relative clauses of pur-
I
i~
!
1,
i
;"
,
190
INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
pose,
817-319; in relative clauses Constructions with the article:
introduced
by 1;",s, etc., 826-332 ; general effect of prefixing the
as
logical Sllbject of ryfllfTO, 857- article, 892; as subject, 898; as
860.
object, 394; in apposition, 895;
Negatives
with Indicative, 465- with Trf expressing cause, 896;
474.
with Toil expressing purpose, 897 j
Indirect
Discourse, 384-856; defini- with Toil expressing result, 898 j
tion,
834, 837; various methods with TOU after adjectives, 899;
of
expressing, 389, 840; classical with TOU after nouns, 400; with
usage,
341, 342, 847-350; New Toil after verbs that take the geni-
Testament
usage, 343-850; Eng- tive, 401-408; with Toil as subject
!ish
usage compared with Greek, or object, 404, 405; governed by
851-356;
Infinitive in, 390; par- prepositions, 406; various prepo-
ticiple
in, 460; conditional clauses sitions used with it and their
in,258;
conditional relative clauses force, 407-416; force of tense,
in,
305; negatives in, 478. 104-109.
Indirect
object, expressed by clause Intensive Perfect: Indicative, 77;
introduced
by '/lIa, 217; by In- dependent moods, 102.
finitive,
368; by articular Infini- Interpretation, relation of, to gram-
j;
; tive after £ls, 410. mar, 2.
j'
Indirect Questions, how introduced Latin tenses, two-fold function, 854.
I
t in Greek, 840; after E'X"', etc., Moods: enumeration of, 3; in prin-
i1[
346. introduced by O'O"TLS, 849; cipal clauses, 157-184; finite
!
[!.. by simple relatives, 350. moods in Sllbordinate clauses, see
:11
Infinitive: origin and stages of de- Indicative, Subjunctive, etc., or
if,'
velopment, 361; classification of Contents, §§ 185-360.
[;!
uses, 862, 363; negatives used Negatives, 464-489: classical and
ii,;.
with it, 480-484. New Testament use in general,
!J
Constructions without the arti- 464; with the Indicative, 465-
r
cle: with imperative force, 364, 474; with the Subjunctive, 475;
!,
865; expressing purpose, 366, with the Optative; 476,477; with
l
367; as indirect object, 868; ex- the Imperative, 478, 479; with
i~;
pressing result, 369-372; defining the Infinitive, 480-484; with
i~
content of action of a previous participles, 485; successive and
ii'
verb or noun, 875; limiting ad- double negatives, 486-489, 468 j
ifi
jectives and adverbs, 876, 377; compound negatives, 464, 486,
:~!
limiting nouns, 878, 379; after 489.
:~
1/"plll or 1/"plll.,j, 380-382; used ab- Object clauses:
classification, 186;
)1
solutely, 383; as Sllbject, 384, after verbs of exhorting, 200-204;
i
~ 885, 390, 857, 360; as appositive, after verbs of striving, etc., 205-
!~
386; as object, 387-391, 202, 210; 210; after verbs of fear and
:~,
in indirect discourse, 890 j force of danger, 224-227; in indirect dis-
j,~!
the tensee in indirect discourse, course, 834, 339-850.
j~!
110,11.2-:114; without article after Optative, infrequent in New Testa-
I
~ preposItIons, 174. ment, 174.
,"
"
"~
;;
!f
.'
!,
if,
~c
:i
~
fi~
I!!
r] ';
!i
"
[I'.!
ii
\'
'I,:
!~
~ i
I;
!'i
.J:
I:'
t;
,(
---,
INDEX
OF SUBJECTS. 191
In
principal clauses: of wishing, use of the participle with intensive
175-177;
Potential, 178, 179. force, 448; participle of attendant
In
subordinate clauses: in 0 b- circumstance, 449,450; more than
ject
clauses after verb of exhort- one relation expressed by one
ing,
200, Rem.; in conditional participle, 451; genitive absolute,
clauses,
future supposition more 452-454; position of adverbial
probable,
in indirect discourse, participle, 455.
258;
in conditional clauses, future Substantive Participle: defined,
supposition
less probable, 259; 456; as subject, 457; as object,
with
El expressing an object of 458--460; in indirect discourse,
desire,
276. 460; as a limiting genitive, 461;
Negatives
with Optative, 476, its position, 462; distinction from
477.
adjective participle used substan-
Participle:
general nature, 115,418; tively, 463.
grammatical
agreement, 116. Negatives with participle, 485.
Tenses:
general significance, Particular and general conditions:
118;
use of each tense in detail, expressed, 239, 240; implied in
see
Present, Aorist, Future, Per- relative clause, 298, 299.
fect,
or Contents, §§ 119-156. Perfect:
Classification
respecting logical Indicative: of completed action,
force,
419. 74, 76, 85; of existing state, 75,
Adjective
Participle: defined, 76 ; Intensive, 77; Historical, 78;
420;
restrictive attributive parti- Gnomic, 79; Aoristic, 80, 88; in
ciple,
422; with subject omitted, indirect discourse, 81; of a past
423,
433; with the article after event thought of as separated
noun
without the article, 424; from the moment of speaking
neuter
participle for abstract (incapable of adequate English
noun,
425; explanatory attribu- translation), 82; used prolepti-
tive
participle, 426; attributive cally, 50; periphrastic form, 84;
participle
conveying subsidiary distinction between Perfect and
idea
of cause, etc., 428; predicate Aorist, 86, 87.
adjective
participle, 429; its posi- Dependent moods: denoting
tion,
430; forming periphrastic completed action, or existing re-
verbs,
431; possible explanations suIt, 101; Intensive, 102; peri-
of
participle in the predicate, 432. phrastic form, 103 ; Infinitive
Adverbial
Participle: defined, after prepositions, 104, 105, 107,
434;
temporal, 435; conditional, 108; Optative not found in New
436;
concessive, 437,438; causal, Testament, 111; Infinitive in in.
439;
causal with cJs, 440, 441; of direct discourse, 110, 112.
purpose,
442; of means, 443; Participle: of completed action
of
manner, 444; manner ex- or existing state, 154 ; periphrastic
pressed
by cJs with participle, 445, form, 155; for a Pluperfect, 156.
446;
participle of manner or Periphrastic forms: in general, 20,
means
denoting same action as 431; Present Indicative, 20; Im-
that
of the verb, 447; Hebraistic perfect, 34; Future Indicative, 71,
~
,c,!
"
c
,!';-',,;,~:
..
~'"
Kf
;i
Ii
:
'
I!
ii-;,
192 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
i~f
!i
Iji
72; Perfect. Indicative, 84; Plu- 120-122; General, 123-126; for
H
;' perfect, 91; Future Perfect, 94; the Imperfect, 127; Conative, 129 ;
it.;
Present Infinitive and Imperative, for the Future, 130; of action
Ii;!
97; Perfect Subjunctive and Im- still in progress, 131.
J':'
perative, 103; Future Participle, Primary and Secondary tenses, 4.
;1
i; 153; Perfect Participle, 155. Progressive tenses:
::i!
Pluperfect Indicative: of completed Indicative: Present, 8-11; Im-
N'
action, 89; of existing state, 90, perfect, 21-23; Futtlre, 60.
j1
92; periphrastic form, 91; in in- Dependent moods: Present, 96.
;::
direct discourse for Perfect, 348. Participle: Present, 119-122,
(I,'
Potential Optative: force of, 178, 127-131.
jl,
179; negatives with, 476. Prohibitions, expressed by Aorist
Ii
Predicative Participle, 429-432, see Subjunctive or Present (rarely
i;
under Participle. Aorist) Imperative, 163; by Aorist
Ii;:
Predictive Future, 58. Subjunctive, 162-164, 166, 167;
ilf,
Present: by Present Imperative, 165,184.
Iii:'
Indicative: most constan~ char- Prohibitory Future Indicative, 67,
:
'J acteristic of, 9; Progressive, 8, Rem. 2.
i1;
10, 11; Conative, 11; General or Prohibitory Subjunctive, 162-164,
:!(
, Gnomic, 12; Aoristic, 13; His- 166, 167; used only in Aorist,
j~
torical, 14; used for Future, 15; 163; force of tense, 164.
,1
"
::1\
.JfKw, ?rapfL.uL, etc., 16; of past Promissory Future, 65.
Iii:
a?tion s~ill in progress, 1 ~; in i~- Protasis: de.fine~, 238; force and
Ii
it. direct dIscourse, 19; perIphrastIc form of, m sImple present and
,
",
I!~:
forms, 20; in pure final clauses, past particular supposition, 242-
!jE~
198; in an appositive clause, 213, 247; in supposition contrary to
f~"
Rem.; in conditional clauses, pres- fact, 248; in future supposition
!i
[, ent particular supposition, 242, more probable, 250-258, 263; in fu-
flit;
future supposi~i?n, 256, ~resent ~ure supposition less probable~ ~59;
ii!t:
general SUpposItIon, 261 ; m con- ill present general SUpposItIon,
lit
cessive clauses, 284; in condi- 260-262, 264; in past general sup-
i!t
tional relative clauses, present position, 265; joined to an
hit
particular supposition, 301, future apodosis of a different form, 267 ;
:J*
supposition, 309, present general two protases with one apodosis,
q~;
supposition, 313; after Ews and 268; substitutes for, 269; omitted,
""
ll~'
referring to th~ future, 326; after ~70; equiv~lent to an oath, .2~2;
IIr!
Ews and referrIng to the present, Its verb omItted, 273; contammg
ili
'. 328. an apodosis, 276; after expressions
iii'
Dependent moods, 96; peri- of wonder has the force of lIT,
I!~
phrast~c.form, 97; Infinitive after clause, 2~7.; conce~sive protases,
I!I:
preposItIons, 104, 106-109; Opta- 278; partIcIple eqUIvalent to pro-
!:,.;;
tive and Infinitive in indirect dis- tasis, 436,437.
I;~r
course, 110-112. Purpose, expressed by clause intro-
IiI
Participle: of simultaneous duced by rpa, 197-199; by rela-
t!~
! action, 119; of identical action, tive clause, 317; by Infinitive
f!~'
Ii
r~ ,
ii~
:
Iii:
:
li
l~'i
f; ';,
I'
':
i
:1
1II':!
I:
",
Q
"
t,
';':
j
1:
:
r
I
,!
~
,"",J_."",-..~",,~,",I..
"." .:., """ ,;;J ",L'
INDEX
OF SUBJECTS. 193
without
the article, 366; by In- Result: several conceptions of, 370 ;
finitive
with c3o"Tf, 370(d), 371(d); methods of expressing, 371 ; actual
by
Infinitive with cJ~, 372; by In- reslut expressed by c3O"Tf with In-
finitive
with ToD, 397; by articular finitive or Indicative, 235, 236,
Infinitive
after £l~, 409; after 1l"p6~, 369, 370 (a) (b), 371 (a) (b); by
414.
articular Infinitive with fl~, 411;
Questions:
various classes of, 169; conceived result expressed by
negatives
with, 467, 468. See clause introduced by fila, 218,219,
also
Indirect Questions. cf. 222; by Infinitive usually with
Relative
clauses: classification, 289- c3o"Tf, 369, 370 ( c), 371 ( c); by
291;
distinction between definite Infinitive with ToD, 398; by artic-
and
indefinite relative clauses, ular Infinitive with fl~, 411; in-
289,290.
tended result (purpose), 370 (d),
Definite
Relative clauses: in- 371 (d).
troduced
by relative pronouns and Resultative Aorist, 35, 37, 42, 87.
adverbs,
292; use of moods and Shall and will in translating the
tenses,
293; may imply relation Greek Future, 65.
of
cause, result, or concession, Subjunctive:
294;
classified as restrictive and In principal clauses: Hortatory,
explanatory,
295; conditional in 160, 161; with 4cpf~ or Dfi/pO pre-
form,
316. fixed, 161; Prohibitory, 162-164,
Conditional
Relative sentences: 166, 167; Deliberative, 168-171;
defined,
289, 290, 296; imply par- with (Jaft.~ etc. prefixed, 171; in
ticular
or general supposition, 298, negative assertions referring to
299;
six: classes, 300-315; clauses the future, 172, 173.
conditional
in form but definite In subordinate clauses: in pure
in
thought, 316; introduced by final clauses, 197 ; in object
l",~,
329. clauses after verbs of exhorting,
Relative
clauses expressing pur- etc., 200; after (Ja"" 203; in
pose,
317-319. clauses after verbs of striving,
Relative
clauses introduced by etc., 205-207, 209; in subject,
words
meaning until, etc., 321- predicate, and appositive clauses
333;
introduced by l",~, and re- introduced by fila, 211-214; in
ferring
to the future, 322, 323, complementary and epexegetic
325,
326; referring to what was in clauses introduced by fila, 215-
past
time a future contingency, 217; in clauses of conceived re-
324,
326; referring to a past fact, suIt introduced by fila, 218-220;
327;
referring to a contemporane- in object clauses after verbs of
ous
event, 328; introduced by l",~ fear and danger (expressed), 224;
ov
or l",~ t1TOV, 330; introduced by (implied), 225; after lall in con-
4Xpt.,
4Xpt. ov, etc., 331, 332; intro- ditional clauses, future supposi-
duced
by 1l"plll, 333. tion, 250; after fl in conditional
Negatives
in relative clauses, clauses, future supposition, 252,
469,470,
474. 253; with fl, expressing an object
Restrictive
Relative clauses, 295. of desire, 276; changed to Opta-
--
ii)l.
~";
~.c
111;:
11.;
,1
./"
1':11;
-194 INDEX OF SUBJECTS.
Ill;
j~;
tive in in.direct ~course, 258; Tenses: enumeration of, 4; primary
j!,W
after lap ill condItional clauses, and secondary, 4; two-fold func-
1;1:
present general supposition, 260; tion of, 5 ; chief function, 5, Rem. ;
~i.!!
in concessive clauses referring to interchange of, apparent, not real,
.,JIf
the future, 285 (b); in conditional 15, Rem.
~jft
relative clauses, future supposi- In Indicative Mood: general
,!1f,'
tion (with 4v or iav), 303, 304; significance, 6 ; two-fold function,
!I';':'
(without 4v), 307; retained in 5 i denote time relative to that of
ill'
indirect discourse, 305; in condi- speaking,7; apparent exceptions,
~ji;i
tional relative clauses, present gen- 7 i use of each tense in detail, "
1
eral supposition (with 4v), 312; 8-94 (see Present, Imperfect,
i:i
in complementary relative clauses, Aorist, etc.).
/;)'
318, 319 i after ~"'~ [4v J, 322-325 ; In Dependent Moods: general
I!:!'.
after 1:",~ oii or 1:",~ aTOll, 330 i after ~ignific~nce, 95; use of
each tense
-11:~:
4Xpl., p-iXpl., etc., 331; after 7rplv, ill d~t~il, 96-114; te~s~s of the
!';j.
333. InfinItIve after preposltlonsj 104-
Ii:!:
Negatives with Subjmictive, 475. 109; of the Infinitive in indirect
ii:'
Subordinate clauses classified, 186, discourse, 110-114.
!;-
187. Of the Participle: general sig-
~...
Suppositions: distinction between nificance, 118; use of each tense
~::
particular and general, 239, 240, in detail (see Present, Aorist,
~,
257; implied in relative clause~ Future, Perfect).
I',
289, 290, 296, 297; particular and Will and shall in translating the
fj:i
general, 298, 299; expressed by Greek Future, 65.
~jll
an Imperative, 182, 183; ex- Wishes: expressed by Optative, 175-
fir:
pressed by a participle, 428, 436. 177; by the Future Indicative, 27,
~::
Substantive Participle, 456-463, see Rem. 2 i unattainable, expressed
~i'[
under Participle. by the Imperfect or Aorist In-
f~;..
Supplementary Participle, see 419, dicative, 27.
!;
R11",'
em. .
c"
I~
~l
~:
,
Ii,
i
J
I'~
:1 r;i i
';
:
lil"
; ':
;'
Ii;
f;
..
If:
I:;
~
ii!
i ,
..:
f
~i
I
l
l'
i.
iI
II.
II
i
~t
\
Ii
\
'f
--,--
INDEX
OF GREEK WORDS.
~~~
\
[The Numbers relet' to Sections.]
'AxOVCII,
Present with force of Per- -Atpes and 4tpeTe prefixed to Horta..
fect,
16. tory Subjunctive, 161.
I
Av : -AXPL, 331, 332.
With
Indicative: with Imper- BovAeuOe' prefixed to Deliberative
fect
and Aorist to denote a cns- Subjunctive, 171.
tomary
past action, 26 j in past rioyoJ'a., Aoristic Perfect in Matthew
general
supposition, 315 j in apodo- (Mark?) only, 88.
sis
of condition contrary to fact, ~evpo or ~evTe prefixed to Hortatory
248;
omitted in such apodosis, 31, Subjunctive, 161.
249;
cases in which it is not to be ~La. with T6 and the Infinitive, 108,
regarded
as having been omitted, 406-408.
30
(cf. 32, 33); with Future In- ~L6TL as a causal particle, 228.
dicative
in future supposition, ~oKe' with Infinitive as subject, 385.
308;
with Present Indicative in 'Edv:
future
supposition, 309. Conditional: with Present Indic-
With
Subjunctive: in condi- ative in present particular sup-
tional
relative clauses, implying position, 247; with Future In-
future
supposition, 303; implying dicative in future supposition,
present
general supposition, 312 ; 254; with Subjunctive in future
relative
clauses introduced by supposition, 260; in present gen-
lCIIS,
322; after 4XPL, 332; after eral supposition, 260 j in condi-
lJ7rCIIS
in final clauses, 196; for ia.v tional relative clauses for4v, 304,
in
conditional clauses, 250. 312, Rem.
With
Potential Optative, 178, Concessive, 279-281,286 (b).
179.
'Eap Ka.t, concessive, 279,280,286 (b),
With
Infinitive, 372. 287; conditional, 282.
In
definite relative clauses con- 'EfJovA6p,1]p without 4p, 33.
ditional
in form, 316; retained 'Eoy!;peTo ~!;, construction after, 357-
in
indirect discourse with Sub- 360.
junctive
retained unchanged, 306; -EoyPCIIP with force of Perfect, 47.
omitted
when Subjunctive is -E~eL with Infinitive denoting pres-
changed
to Optative, 344, Rem. 1. ent obligation, 32.
'APTt
with TOV and the Infinitive, El:
406,
407. Conditional: with present or
'A7r!;OLtPOV
with force of Perfect, 47. past tense of the Indicative~ jp.
195
;
,
-_:.~
--'.'L ,,:'~
a.1i
~:!I
196 INDEX OF GREEK WORDS.
,
:
i simple present or past particular Els with T6 and the Infinitive, 107,
1!
supposition, 242, 243; with Pres- 406, 407, 409-413.
)j;
ent Indicative in future supposi- -E}l.EAAO" with the Infinitive, 73.
~Ii
.ti°n, 266; with Present Indi~a~ive 'E" with Tc,; and the Infinitive, 109,
'!Ii
ill pres~nt general SUpposItIon, -406, 40!, 416:, ..
~ii
261; WIth a past tense of the E"fKf" WIth TOV and the Infultive,
:i:!
Indicative in condition contrary 406, 407.
Vi
to fact, 248; with Future Indica- 'E'F,fUT77" with force of Perfect, 47.
~,;
tive in supposition referring to 'E1rfl, hfLo'!], l1rfLo'!]1rfp as causal
.~;:
present intention, etc., 246; with particles, 228.
11
Future Indicative in future sup- -EuX77KCt as Aoristic Perfect, 88.
position,
264, 256; with Future 'Et/>' t!J as a causal particle, 228.
.!
Indicative with the force of an -EXCI1, followed by indirect delibera-
:\:'
oath, 272; with the Subjunctive tive questions, 346; by relativ&
:!i'
in future supposition, 252, 253; clause of similar force, 318.
t
with the Optative in indirect dis- 'ElfJpCtKCt as Aoristic Perfect, 88.
r'
course for Iii" with Subjunctive "ECI1~: force as a relative adverb,
321,
ii
or fl with the Indicative of the introducing a clause referring to
.;;:,
direct discourse, 258; with the the future, 322, 323, 326, 329; in-
"ii;
Optative in future supposition troducing a clause referring to
rf
less probable, 259; with Sub- what was in past time a future con-
~
junctive, Optative, or Future In- tingency, 324, 3~6, 329 ; how trans-
'I
dicative expressing an object of lated when followed by the Sub-
f
desire, 276; after expressions junctive, 325; introducing a clause
Ii
of wonder with nearly the force referring to a past fact, 327; in-
of
6TL, 277. troducing a clause referring to a
:
'. Concessive, 279-281; with a contemporaneous event, 328; fol-
~I
present or past tense of the In- lowed by oil or 6TOV, 330; with TOU
dicative,
284; with Future Indie- and the Infinitive, 406, 407.
ative,285.
-H, Infinitive after, 374; after 1rpl",
Interrogative,
in indirect ques- 333, Rem. 2, 381.
tions,
340. -HOfAO" without d", 33.
tl
Of and floE jJ.'!]'Yf used elliptically, -HKCI1, force of Present tense, 16.
275.
HflX6JL77" without d", 33.
El
KCtl concessive, 279, 280, 281, Rem., efAfL~ and OAf'Tf prefixed to De-
288'
conditional, 282,286. liberative Subjunctive, 171.
,
"
El
JL'!] without dependent verb, mean- I"Ct: New Testament usage, 191, 221,
ing
except, 274,471. 223; in pure final clauses, 197-
ErOf
in unattainable wishes, 27, 199; in object clauses after verbs
Rem.
1. of exhorting, etc., 200-203; in ob-
I
1 ErA77t/>a as Aoristic Perfect, 88. ject clauses after verbs of striving,
i
,f ElJLl used in the formation of peri- .etc., 205, 206; in subject, predi-
!
!"I' phrastic verb-forms, 20, 34, 71, cate, and appositive clauses, 211-
:
I' 84, 91, 97, 103, 155, 431. 214 ; in complementary and
j
i
~~:
Erp77KII as Aoristic Perfect, 88. epexegetic clauses, 215-217; in
II
'.
I'
1
~
"
.
.'
,
I
i;
!)
t'
I
.'
I'
I
,j t
I'
I
! ,
l
I..
I
"
l
if
[
ij'
,!
~
.-.",-
.., "c_~
f
.~~;; ~~--
,
,
,
j
I
INDEX OF GREEK WORDS. 197
,
clauses of conceived result, 218, M~ 'Yfvo'ro, 177.
'
jJ
219; not used to express actual M~ ov, in questions, 468 j after verbs
result,
222; post-classical usage of hindering, etc., 484.
in
general, 223. ~ OO"r's as an interrogative, 349.
,
Kal 'Ye with concessive participle, ~O7r"'S, New Testament usage,. 192,
J
437. 196; in pure final clauses, 197,
,
;
Kal tap, concessive, 279, 281, 285 199; in object clauses after verbs
I
(b); conditional, 282. of exhorting, 200-202; in object
t.
Kal EoyEPero, construction after, 857- clauses after verbs of striving, etc.,
j'
860. 205, 207.
I
Kal el concessive, 279, 281, 288; ~Or' as a causal particle, 228.
;
conditional, 282. ~ Or, introducing indirect quotation,
!.
Kal7rep with concessive participle, 339 (a), 343 j redundant before a
!
437. direct quotation, 345.
KEKpa'Yep,
functionally a Present, 78. O~ and itB compounds: classical and
Aap8ap""
participle with, 147. New Testament usage in general,
MiAA"',
/l.EAXeLP, etc., with Infinitive, 464.
72,
73, 100, 153. With the Indicative: in inde-
METa
with r6 and the Infinitive, 105, pendent declaratory sentences,
406,
407. 465; with Imperative Future, 466 ;
,
MEXPL, 331. in questions expecting an affirma-
I~
M'Ij as a negative, and its compoun~ : tive answer, 467; in conditional,
classical
and New Testament use conditional relative, and con-
.j
in general, 464. cessive clauses, 469,470; after /l.'Ij
1.With
the. Indicative.: in ques- a~ a conjunction, ~72; in indirect
tions
expectmg a negatIve answer, dIScourse, 473; m causal and
c
i
467,468; in conditional and con- simple relative clauses, 474.
.I
ditional relative clauses, 469; in With the Subjunctive after /l.'Ij
i
causal and relative clauses, 474, as a conjunction, 475.
I
Rem. 1, 2. With limitations of the Im-
i
With the Subjunctive, 475, 162, perative, 479.
:
163. With limitations of the Infini-
With
the Optative of Wishing, tive, 481; compounds of ov with
476.
an Infinitive depending on a verb
With
the Imperative, 478, 163. limited by o~, 482.
With
the Infinitive, 480; re- With participles, 485.
dundant
after verbs of hindering, O~ /l.'Ij, emphatic negative: with Pre-
denying,
etc., 402, 483, 484. dictive Future, 66, 487; with the
With
participles, 485. Imperative Future, 67, Rem. 2,
M-fJ
as a final particle: New Testa- 488; with the Prohibitory Sub-
ment
uses, 193 j in pure final junctive, 167, 488; with the Sub.
clauses,
199; in object clauses junctive in negative assertions,
after
verbs of striving, 206,209 j 172,173,487 j after another nega-
in
object clauses after verbs of tive,489.
fear
and danger, 224-227.
i
-
""
'
I'
'i
:;~
:
i
r
198 INDEX OF GREEK WORDS.
i
i
,i
-Ot/>fXOl1 in expression of wishes, 27, 'T1rapXt1J used in the formation of
Ii
Rem. 1, 2. periphrastic verb-forms, 20.
:!
llapfL.u.L, force of Present tense, 16. 'Os: New Testament usage as a final
il
llf1rlO"TfvKa as Intensive Perfect, 77. particle, 194; with the Infinitive
:.1
llf1rol7JKa as Aoristic Perfect, 88. denoting purpose, 372; with a
11
llE1rOL()a as Intensive Perfect, 77. causal participle, 440, 441; with
';;
llE1rpaKfl1 as Aoristic Perfect, 88. the participle expressing manner,
i:!
llpll1 with a finite mood, 333; with 445, 446.
i'!
the Infinitive, 380-382. ~OO"Tf: denoting result with ~a-
I,
llp6 with Toil and the Infinitive, 106, tive and Infinitive, 234, 235; with
I'
406, 407. I~ive, 236, 370 (a), 371 (a);
1'.
llp6s with TO and the Infinitive, 107, introducing principal verb, any
Ii!
406, 407, 414. mood, 237; with Infinitive denot-
1;
~t1J'f6.u.f110L, force of tense, 125. ing result, 369-371; with the In-
11:
T6, Toil, Tif, Infinitive with, 392-417. finitive denoting purpose, 367.
1~!J
¥j;,
II!'
,
t;:
I"
"
";
~l
t
I
!
I
;Ii
j'
,
(
I
\1
,
!
~
~
.1',
i
;1'
!
1
'.,
t
,!
i'
,
:,
,
J:
!
if
,\
,
,"
'"
'.
'F
"
I;
f
~
it
!)
",
I:
\!
M)
j
I
ili
:
:t,
bit
fl
"I
'
I~
,;
.
,..,..-
II
I
INDEX
OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. I
[The
numbers refer to sections. Passages referred to in Remarks are cited
by
the number of the section to which the Remark is appended.]
I.
NEW TESTAMENT PASSAGES.
SECTION
SECTION
Matt.
1: 18 453, 457 Matt. 5: 41 , ..308
Matt.l:19
387 Matt.5:42 180
Matt.
1: 22 222, 223 Matt. 6: 1 ...107, 406, 414
Matt.
1: 23 20 Matt. 6: 5 ...231, 232, 466
Matt.2:2
157 Matt.6:11 98
Matt.2:3
439 Matt. 6:13 162
Matt.
2: 9 326 Matt. 6: 16 231, 457
Matt.
2:10 '439 Matt. 6:25. 171
Matt.
2: 13 72, 397 Matt. 6: 27 443
Matt.
2:15. 222 Matt. 6:30. 243
Matt.
2:20 127 Matt. 6:31 169
Matt.
3: 14 23, 378 Matt. 6: 34 162
Matt.
3: 15 384, 429 Matt. 7: 1 197
Matt.
3:17 55 Matt.7:4 161
Matt.4:2
134 Matt.7:6 199
Matt.
.4 : 3 200, 242 Matt. 7: 10 269
Matt.
4: 4 68 Matt. 7: 12 171, 304
Matt.
4:14. 222 Matt. 7:13 124
Matt.5:6
124 Matt.7:17 12
Matt.
5:10 286 Matt. 8:3 39
Matt.5:17
98,3G6 Matt.8:8 216
Matt.
5: 18. 172, 322 Matt. 8: 17 222
Matt.
5: 19 303, 310 Matt. 8: 20 346
Matt.
5: 20. 250 Matt. 8: 31 182, 256
Matt.
5: 21 46, 52, 54 Matt. 8: 32 182
Matt.
5: 23 ~ ..96 Matt. 9: 17 275
Matt.
5: 25 97,330 Matt. 9: 20 131
Matt.
5: 28 414 Matt. 9: 21 250, 257
Matt.
5: 29, 30. ...214, 256 Matt. 9: 25 53
Matt.
5: 39 309 Matt. 9: 30 209
199
!,'
-_c.,"
Co.}'
,-~,.- CC ,. , '~
i
;:
' 200 INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO.
I,
t!.
.,
SBCTION SBCTION
I
.Matt.
10: 1 371 Matt. 15: 20 393
-f'
Matt.l0:4 142 Matt.16:1 121
;
Matt.l0:14 310 Matt.16:11 473
';
Matt. 10: 23 323 Matt. 16: 13 169
!
Matt.l0:25 214 Matt.16:19 94
~:
Matt. 10: 26 486 Matt. 16: 20 200, 204
:1
Matt.l0:3~ 308 Matt.16:22 66
~
Matt. 10. 33 307, 308 Matt. 16. 25 310
_
IiMatt.10:37423,428Matt.16:2666.I!Matt.10:38...313,428,469Matt.16~2772
,Matt.l0.39428Matt.16.3566
MMatt.10:40,41.428Matt.17:555
1Matt.10:4265,428Matt.17:8471
~Matt.l1:1459Matt.18:4,5308
I::Matt.11:4151Matt.18:6214
::Matt.11:14282Matt.18:8,9.256
~Matt.11:21142Matt.18:10209
[
.fl;Matt.11:25222Matt.18:1894,431
"1;'Matt.11:2865Matt.18:21169
!~Matt.11:2965Matt.18:30324,329
I!!Matt.12:3109Matt.18:3330
rMatt.12:14207Matt.19:452
Matt.12:17222Matt.19:10243,264
Matt.12:1855Matt.19:14387,402
.Matt.12:20322Matt.19:21269
IMatt.12:3165Matt.19:27139
iMatt.13:5,6108Matt.20:10343
;(Matt.13:12313Matt.20:19410
'I
i'!Matt.13:14167Matt.20:2272,393
c'f.iMatt.13:15199Matt.20:26,27.68
i"I...Matt.13:17151Matt.21:4222
..1;Matt.13:30414Matt.21:19167
:!Matt.13:33330Matt.21~32.;...218,398
1Matt.13.35222Matt.21.34109
:1tMatt.13:4678,88Matt.21:38161
,Matt.13:53459Matt.21:41317
,Matt.13:55467Matt.22:11485
i:tMatt.14:3"48Matt.22:14218
;~.,Matt.14:429Matt.22:15207
;;",
Matt. 14: 7 305 Matt. 22: 23 112, 480
;':
Matt.14:9 437 Matt. 22:28 39
~
f Matt. 14: 13 218 Matt. 22: 29 485
J
Matt. 14: 36 200 Matt. 23: 2 ...,. ..55
Ii
!~
'I
~ Matt. 15: 2 312 Matt. 23: 12 308
'.
I
; Matt. 15: 6 67, 68 Matt. 23: 13 129
.II
II
.I
I
INDEX
OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 201 .l
i
SECTION
SECTION I
Matt.
23: 20 124, 150 Matt. 28: 15 18, 52
Matt.
23: 23 30 Matt. 28: 18 15
Matt.
23: 33 170
Matt.
24: 4 206, 209 Mark 1: 7 376
Matt.24:6
209 Mark 1:9 359
Matt.
24: 12 108 Mark 1: 11 55
Matt.24:13
150 Mark1:17 269
Matt.
24: 20 200 Mark' 1: 22 445, 446
Matt.
24: 22 469 Mark 1: 24 224
Matt.
24: 23 165 Mark 1: 31 134, 138
Matt.
24: 45 397 Mark 1: 40 263
Matt.25:6
80 Mark 2:5 13
Matt.
25: 8 8 Mark 2: 16 349
Matt.
25: 9 ...225, 475, 487 Mark 2: 18 34, 431
Matt.
25: 16 150 Mark 2: 20 295, 316
Matt.
25: 27 30 Mark 2: 23 360
Matt.26:2
410 Mark2:24 474
Matt.
26: 4 210 Mark 2: 28 237
Matt.
26: 15 269 Mark 3: 4 384
Matt.
26: 17 171 Mark 3: 6 207
Matt.
26: 18 15 Mark 3:7 67
Matt.
26: 19 293 Mark 3: 11 290, 315
Matt.
26: 24 249,469 Mark 3: 21 47
Matt.
26: 32 105 Mark 3: 24 260, 262 'I
Matt.
26: 33 279, 285 Mark 3: 25 262 II
Matt.
26: 35 ...66, 279, 281 Mark 3: 28 304, 314 '1
Matt.
26: 36 325 Mark 3: 29 314
Matt.
26: 43 91 Mark 4: 6 406
Matt.
26: 48 310 Mark 4: 7 157
Matt.26:52
124 Mark4:21 345
Matt.
26: 54 169 Mark 4: 23 368
Matt.26:56..,
222 Mark4:31 437
Matt.27:1
371 Mark4:37 369
Matt.27:4
139 Mark4:39 10~
Matt.
27: 8 18, 52 Mark 6: 4 108,408
Matt.
27 :17 171 Mark 5: 15 166
Matt.
27: 20 42 Mark 5: 16 123
Matt.
27: 21 171 Mark 6: 18 156, 200
Matt.
27: 31 48, 109 Mark 6: 19, 20. 350-
Matt.
27 : 33 20, 431 Mark 6 : 24 5r
Matt.
27: 41 120 Mark 5: 25 131
Matt.
27: 43 , 75 Mark 5: 33 137
Matt.
27: 49 161 Mark 5: 35 47
Matt.27:63
15 Mark5:36 138
Matt.
28: 6 295 Mark 5: 41 20
.
..
~-~
"
"-"...~
202
~EX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO.
SBCTION
SBCTIOW
Mark
6: 2 457 Mark 12: 12 387
Mark
6: 9 365 Mark 12: 18 390
Mark
6: 10 322 Mark 12: 33 96, 393
Mark
6: 25 171 Mark 12: 41 21, 56
Mark
6: 31 368 Mark 12: 44 , 56
Mark
6: 34 446 Mark 13: 2 487
Mark
6: 36 346 Mark 13: 5. ., 209
Mark
6: 45 328 Mark 13: 11 303
:
Mark6:50 165 MarkI3:18 200
Mark
6: 56 315 Mark 13: 21 165
~
Mark 7: 12 482 Mark 13: 22 107
)
:1
Mark 8: 1, 2. 346 Mark 13: 30 172, 331
.;
-
1
Mark 8:12 272 Mark 13:34 204
f
Mark8:14 48,53 Markl4:2 199
J
Mark8:29 141 MarkI4:12 171
:,
Mark 8: 35 308 Mark 14: 14 318,319
";"
:;~1
Mark 9: 6 343 Mark 14: 21 469
~
Mark 9: 9 204, 471 Mark 14: 28 406
j
Mark 9: 10 393 Mark 14: 29 ...279,280,285
;~
Mark 9 : 11 349 Mark 14: 30 380
~
Mark 9: 12 212 Mark 14 : 31 66, 279
I,
Mark 9 : 22 181 Mark 14: 32 325
I!
Mark 9: 26 371 Mark 14: 41 52
'"
_Mark 9: 28 349 Mark 15: 9 122, 171
Mark
9: 31 15 Mark 15: 36 161
Mark
9: 35 296 Mark 15: 44 277
Mark
10: 11 312 Mark 16: 3 169
Mark
10: 22 432 Mark 16: 20 119, 449
Mark
10: 32 34
Mark
10: 36 171 Luke 1: 1 229
Mark
10: 40 368 Luke 1: 8 415
Mark
10: 43 296 Luke 1: 9 401
,
Mark 10: 51 171 Luke 1: 10 34
1.
Mark11:13 276 Luke1:21 431
,
Mark 11 : 14 176, 476 Luke 1: 22 34
Mark
11 : 16 210 Luke 1: 29 1l1
Markl1:18
207 Luke1:33 59
Mark
11: 19 315 Luke 1: 38 176
Mark
11: 23 310 Luke 1: 43 213
Mark
11: 24 269 Luke 1: 54 375
Mark
11: 25 309 Luke 1: 57 400
:',
Mark 11 : 27 14 Luke 1: 59 23
i
Mark 11 : 28 216, 220 Luke 1: 62 111, 179
,
Mark 11: 31 65 Luke 1: 66 21
Mark
12: 7 161 Luke 1: 72 375
,
f
--
INDEX
OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 203
SECTION
SECTION
Luke
1: 74 400 Luke 7: 39 73, 241
Luke
1 : 76, 77, 79 397 Luke 7: 40 368
Luke2:6
400 Luke7:45 459
Luke
2:18. 57 Luke 7:47 313
Luke
2 : 21. 106, 400 Luke 7: 48 345
Luke
2: 22, 24 397 Luke 8: 2 89
Luke
2: 26. ..{91,114,333, Luke 8: 5 415
344,
390, 431 Luke 8: 9 343
Luke
2: 27. 109, 397 Luke 8: 10 366
Luke
2 : 35 195 Luke 8: 18 310, 313
Luke
2 : 44 37 Luke 8: 27 29, 48
Luke
2:49. 28 Luke 8:43 131
Luke
2: 51 .22 Luke 8: 46 154, 458
Luke
3: 9 15 Luke 8: 47 350
Luke
3: 10. 168 Luke 8: 49 14,47
Luke3:15
111 Luke 9:4 310
Luke
3: 16. 122 Luke 9: 13 252, 253
Luke3:21
109 Luke 9:18 97
Luke
3: 22. .55 Luke 9: 24 314
Luke
4: 10 404, 405 Luke 9: 25 141
Luke
4 : 15. 449 Luke 9: 27 172, 322
Luke
4: 16. 295 Luke 9: 33 485
Luke
4:22. 67 Luke 9:34 109
Luke
4: 23. 146, 460 Luke 9: 36 ..41, 78, 88, 109
Luke
4:29. 371 Luke 9:44 72
Luke
4 : 41. 90 Luke 9: 45 222
Luke
5: 1 358 Luke 9: 46 179
Luke
5: 4 457 Luke 9: 48 314
Luke
5: 7 404, 405, 449 Luke 9: 50 469
Luke
5:10. 71 Luke 9:52 372
Luke5:16
34 Lt1ke9:M 98,171
Luke
5:17. 432 Luke 9:57 304
Luke
5:26. 62 Luke 9:58 346
Luke5:35
316 Luke 10:2 200
Luke
6:11. ...111,179,343 Luke 10:6 275
Luke
6: 12. 360 Luke 10: 18 146
Luke
6: 31. 171 Luke 10 : 19 400
Luke
6: 32, 33, 34 282 Luke 10 : 40 368
Luke
6: 37. 183 Luke 11 : 1 97
Luke
6: 42. 161,485 Luke 11: 3 98
Luke
7: 2 13 Luke 11 : 5 168, 169
Luke
7 : 4 318, 319 Luke 11 : 6 318
Luke7:6
216,220 Luke 11: 7 449
Luke7:19
433 Luke 11:8 285
Luke
7 : 35. 4.!J Luke 11 : 18 112, 282
~
, .~ " " j".
I
i,
204
INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO.
SECTION
SECTION
Luke
11: 32 231, 232 Luke 16: 17 384
Luke
11 : 35 209 Luke 16: 18 124
Luke
11: 37 109 Luke 16: 31 59
Luke
11: 42 480 Luke 17: 1 " 405
Luke
12: 1 371 Luke 17: 2 214
Luke
12: 4 368 Luke 17.: 4 ,. 98
Luke
12: 5 105 Luke 17: 5 181
Luke
12: 8 308 Luke 17: 8 325
Luke
12: 8-10 150 Luke 17: 27 331
Luke
12: 10 308 Luke 17: 31 308
Luke
12 : 11 478 Luke 18: 1 107, 414
Luke
12: 15 415 Luke 18: 4 284, 469
Luke
12: 17 346 Luke 18': 5 469
Luke
12: 32 " 55 Luke 18: 7 172
Luke
12: 33 485 Luke 18: 10 366
Luke
12: 34 309 Luke 18: 25 374, 384
Luke
12: 35 103 Luke 18: 36 179
Luke
12: 36 454 Luke 18: 41 171
Luke
12: 45 405 Luke 19: 9 46
Luke
12: 52 94 Luke 19: 15 109
Luke
12: 59 323 Luke 19: 17 " 97
Luke
13: 7 17 Luke 19: 40 93, 254
Luke
13: 9 271, 275 Luke 19: 42 271
Luke
13: 10 431 Luke 19: 47 34
Luke
13: 16 30 Luke 19: 48 444
Luke
13:23 125 Luke 20:6 84
Luke
13: 25 303 Luke 20: 10 198, 199
Luke
13: 28 316 Luke 20: 16 176
Luke
14: 1 109 Luke 20: 20 371
Luke
14: 10 199 Luke 20: 22 384
Luke
14: 26 .256, 261, 428, 469 Luke 20: 40 482
Luke
14: 27 313 Luke 20: 41 112
Luke
14: 31 376 Luke 21 : 1 138
Luke
14: 33 \ .469 Luke 21: 8 209
Luke
14: 34 169 Luke 21 : 22 400
Luke
15: 4 323, 329 Luke 21 : 24 71
Luke
15: 16 23 Luke 22: 6 400
Luke
15: 24 92 Luke 22: 9 171
Luke
15: 26 179, 343 Luke 22: 11 318
LukeI5:29
17 Luke22:15.. 106
Luke
15: 32 41, 54 Luke 22: 26, 27. 446
Luke
16: 3 387 LUke 22 : 28 433
Luke
16: 4 45 Luke 22 : 34 ...112, 323, 390
Luke
16: 11 ...169, 242, 472 Luke 22 : 40 200
Luke
16: 15 433 Luke 22 : 46 200
--
INDEX
OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 205
SECTION
SECTION
Luke
22: 49 70, 169 John 4: 52 .'. 41
Luke
22 : 61 66 John 5: 5 131
Luke22:65
121 John 5:6 17
Luke
22: 67, 68 285 John 5: 7 217
Luke
23: 16 84 John 5: 13 134, 136
Luke
23: 19 20 John 6: 14 165
Luke
23 : 31 169 John 6: 18 387
Luke23:35
246 John 5:23 485
Luke
23 : 37 245 John 5: 30 482
Luke23:53
489 John 5:36 86
Luke24:16
403 John 5:37 88
Luke24:23
343 John 6:38 86
Luke
24 : 25 399 John 6: 6 120, 121
Luke24:26
30 John 6:25 82
Luke24:30
109 John 6:29 213
Luke
24: 32 22 John 6: 39,40 213
Luke24:36
435 John 6:50 422
Luke
24 : 46 ...75, 114, 390 John 6: 63 293
Luke
24: 51 406 John 6: 64 153
John
6: 68 70, 169
John
1:1 157 John 6:69 77
John
1:11 38,465 John 6:71 73
John
1: 12 290, 378 John 7: 3 199
John
1:15 78 John 7:23 244
John
1:18 88 John 7:26 47
John
1: 26 122, 250 John 7: 32 458
John
1:27 216 John 7:39 73
John
1:33 299 John 1:45 169
John
1: 38 157 John 7: 51 260, 467
John
1:48 106 John 8: 14 285
John
2:4 16 John 8:16 281,285
John
2: 16 151 John 8: 20 474
John
2:17 84 John 8:30 452
John
2: 19 182, 183 John 8: 31 263
John
2: 25 216,348 John 8: 33 " 88
John
3:8 313 John 8:51 261
John
3:12 244 John 8:52 47
John
3: 16 236,371 John 8: 55 282
John
3:18 474 John 8:56 217
John
3: 27 482 John 9: 2 ..." 218, 219
John
4:4 30 John 9:4 98,327
John
4:34 213 John 9:9 345
John
4:39 461 John 9:18 330
John
4:47 16 John 9:22 89,217
John
4: 49 380 John 9: 33 ...31, 249, 469
,-,-,-""",.,.,
-,
206
~EX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO.
SECTION
SECTION
John
10: 12 485 John 16: 8 435
John
10: 32 11 John 16: 13 65
John
10: 38 285 John 16: 23 257
John
11 : 2 142 John 16 : 24 52, 103
John
11 : 9 240, 260 John 16: 32 216
John
11 : 21 248 John 17: 2 199, 220
John
11:27 343 John 17:3 198
John
11 : 36 21 John 17 : 5 55, 106
John
11 : 37 206 John 17 : 11 181
John
11: 44 156 John 17: 19 103
John
11: 50 214 John 17: 24 55
John
11 : 52 481 John 18: 16 90
John
11: 53 210 John 18: 18 90
John
12:3 142 John18:23 245
John
12:4 153 John 18: 24 48
John12:10
205 John 18:28 14
John
12: 17 48, 127 John 18: 30 241, 432
John
12: 18 53 John 18: 39 213
John
12 : 23 216 John 19: 6 109
John
12 : 24 260 John 19: 11 249
John
12 : 26 ...260, 261, 309 John 19: 12 263
John
12 : 29 112, 390 John 19: 30 48, 109
John
12 : 32 62 John 20 : 29 232
John
12 : 36 293 John 21 : 19 120
John
13 : 5 431 John 21 : 22, 23 328
John
13 : 8 158 John 21 : 25 112, 390
John
13:9 479
i
John 13: 11 126 Acts 1: 3 105, 122
,
John 13:12 48 Acts 1:10 90
t
John 13: 17 268 Acts 1: 16 30, 142
"-'f
John 13:23 34 Acts 1:25 371
1,[1
John 14 : 3 309 Acts 2: 13 84, 444
c'f,
John 14: 15 25~ Acts 2:21 303
:
John 14: 19 229 Acts 2: 45 315
";,
John14:26 59 Acts 2:47 125
c
"
John 14:28 248 Acts 3:2 24
John
15:6 43 Acts 3:12 404
Jo~15:8,
50,213 Acts 3:18 114
John
15:9 98 Acts 3:19 195
John
15 : 12,13 213 Acts 3: 26 ., ...415, 442
John
15: 20 242, 295 Acts 4: 14 368
John
15: 22 249 Acts 4: 20 484
John
16 : 2 ...124, 148, 216 Acts 4: 27 92
John
16 : 3 232 Acts 4: 30 415, 417
John
16 : 7 65, 214 Acts 4: 31 92
I
INDEX
OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 207
SECTION
SECTION
Acts
4: : 32. 112 Acts 9: 34 13
Acts
4: 34. 127 Acts 9: 39 29
Acts
4: 35. 315 Acts 10: 1, 2 420
Acts4:37
127 Acts10:3 146
Acts5:3
389 Actsl0:/ 127
(
Acts 5: 5 39 Acts 10: 17 ...154, 179, 343
Acts
5: 14. 423 Acts 10: 22 123
Acts
5: 17. 424 Acts 10: 23 138
I
Acts 5: 24. 179, 343 Acts 10: 25 404
Acts
5: 26. 224 Acts 10: 33 ...139, 366, 447
Acts
5: 28. 74 Acts 10: 35 151, 423
Acts
5:30. 447 Acts 10:41 424
Acts
5:35. 72 Acts 10:44 119
Acts5:38
230 Acts10:47 402
Acts5:39
225,242 Acts11:3 146
Acts
5 : 42. 457 Acts 11 : 15 109, 415
Acts6:3
317 Acts11:17 98
Acts6:11
86 Acts12:10 427
Acts7:5
485 Acts12:18 452
I
Acts 7:7 308 Acts 12:20 108
Acts7:12
460 Acts13:16 138
Acts
7: 18. 331 Acts 13:27 137
4
Acts 7: 19. 398 Acts 13: 28 437, 485
Acts
7 : 26. 23, 141 Acts 13: 32 427
Acts7:34
161 Acts13:33 141
Acts
7 : 35. 82 Acts 13: 40 206, 209
Acts7:36
37,42 Acts14:9 400
Acts
7: 42. 368 Acts 14: 18 403, 483
Acts
7 : 44. 89 Acts 14: 19 ...112, 134, 138
Acts7:52
62 Acts14:27 "..'. 350
Acts
7: 60. 41 Acts 15: 10 217,375
Acts
8: 11. 108 Acts 15: 12 41
Acts
8: 20. 176, 452 Acts 15: 13 37, 98
.Acts
8: 22. 276 Acts 15: 14 350
Acts
8: 23. 460 Acts 15: 17 195
Acts8:27
442 Acts15:20 404
.Acts
8: 31. .178, 179, 254, 267 Acts 15: 21 17
Acts9:3
415 Acts15:22 449
Acts
9: 12. 146 Acts 15: 24 ..86, 121, 122, 229
Acts9:21
89 Acts15:26 343
Acts
9: 22. ..89, 120, 121,447 Acts 15: 28 386
Acts
9 : 23. 210 Acts 15: 29 121, 122
Acts
9 : 26. 439 Acts 16: 16 443
Acts
9: 32. 360 Acts 16: 18 13
Acts
9: 33. 131 Acts 16: 23 145
j
i
1
~'.c'"
.ala ." '"'m .-"" " I
,
,
,
:
208
INDEX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO.
SECTION
SECTION
Acts
16: 27 37, 390 Acts 23 : 30 44, 99, 112
Acts
17: 3. 30 Acts 23: 35 145
Acts
17 : 6. 16, 485 Acts 24: 10 131
Acts
17: 11 111 Acts 24: 11 152
Acts
Ii: 13 119 Acts 24 : 19 30, 258
Act8
17: 18 ..{169, 178, 179, Acts 24: 23 145
270,
385 Acts 25: 10 '. 84
Acts
17: 21 368,374 Acts 25: 11' 394
Acts
17: 27 ...268,276,437 Acts 25: 13 142, 145
Acts
18: 2. 108 Act8 26 : 16 ...111, 333, 344
Acts
18: 9. 98, 164 Acts 25: 22 33
Acts
18: 10 398 Acts 25 : 26 101
Acts
18: 14 153, 248 Acts 25 : 26 368
ActS
18:18 449 Acts 26:1 '.'.', 13
Acts
18: 20 452 Acts 26 : 4 427
Acts
18: 23 119 Acts 26 : 5 263
Act819:9
119 Acts 26:6 427
Act8
19: 27 100, 481 Acts 26 : 8 ."'" 277
Acts
19: 32 89, 348 Acts 26: 11 23
ActS
20: 3. 163, 400 Acts 26 : 13 146
Acts20:7
153 ActS26:18 397
Acts
20: 16 268, 476 Acts 26 : 22 485
Acts
20: 24 194 Acts 26 : 26 84, 482
Acts
20: 32 426 Acts 26: 29 179,481
Acts
20 : 36 374 Acts 26: 32 30, 101
Acts
20:38 72 Acts 27:1 404
Acts21:1
138 Acts 27:3 139
Acts
21 : 3. 130 Act8 27 : 9 108
Acts
21 : 12 404 Acts 27 : 10 100, 481
Acts
21 : 13 481 Acts 27 : 12 258, 276
Acts
21 : 16 319 Acts 27 : 13 ...134, 137, 138
Acts
21 : 24 199 Acts 27 : 21 30
Acts22:4
122 Acts27:29 224
Acts
22 : 17 453 Acts 27 : 30 440
Acts
22:22 32 Acts 27:33 331
Acts
22 : 24 145 Acts 27 : 39 268
Acts
23 : 1. 137 Acts 27 : 43 42
Acts
23 : 9. 271 Acts 28 : 6 ."..' 100
Acts
23 : 10 224 Acts 28: 19 440
Acts
23 : 12 330 Acts 28 : 23 129
Acts
23 : 13 146 Acts 28 : 26 167
Acts
23 : 16 ...200, 399, 440 Acts 28 : 27 197, 199
Acts
23 : 17, 18, 19. ...368 Acts 28 : 30 39
Acts
23 : 20 404, 440
Acts
23: 26 388 Rom. 1: 10 276, 371
-~
~EX
OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 209
SBCTION
SBCTION
Rom.
1: 11 197,409 Rom. 9: 17 197
Rom.l:20
411 Rom. 9:18 313
Rom.l:24
400 Rom. 9:27 285
Rom.
2: 4. 11, 425 Rom. 10 : 14 169, 170
Rom.2:12
54,301 Rom.l0:15 475
Rom.
2 : 27 427 Rom. 10: 18, 19 468
I
7Rom.3:4.
..
{16,177,195,
Rom.ll:l.. 176
.199,
476 Rom. 11 : 6. 243
/
Rom. 3:5. 428 Rom.11:8. 400
Rom.
3:6. 176,476 Rom.11: 11 176
Rom.3:23
54 Rom.11:14 276
Rom.3:26
409 Rom.ll:16 273
Rom.
3:31 176,476 Rom.12:2 107
Rom.
4:2. 242,245 Rom.12:3 411
Rom.4:12
481 Rom.12:15 365
Rom.4:13
395 Rom.13:5. 481
Rom.4:14
243,273 Rom.13:8 489
Rom.4:16
481 Rom.13:11 378
Rom.4:19
145 Rom.14:2 387
Rom.4:21
145 Rom.14:9 41
t
Rom.5:1 134,136 Rom.14:13 395
Rom.6:5
74 Rom.14:21 393
\
Rom.6:7 69 Rom.15:6 176
Rom.
5:11. 475 Rom.15:8. 390
Rom.5:10
244 Rom.15:13 176
Rom.
5: 12 64, 229 Rom. 16 : 14 154
Rom.
6: 2. ...60,176,294 Rom. 15: 22 ...28,401,402
Rom.6:15
., 176 Rom.16:7 82
Rom.6:16
313
Rom.
7: 3. ...69, 262, 398 1 Cor. 1. ~ 4 134, 135
Rom.7:4
409 lCor.l:l0 200
Rom.7:6
481 lCor.1:17 481
Rom.7:7
176 1.Cor.1:18 126
Rom.7:13
176 1 Cor. 1:21 231
Rom.
8:9. 469 1 Cor. 1:22 231,232
Rom.8:10
242 1 Cor. 1:25 425
Rom.8:13
72 lCor.2:7 156
Rom.
8: 17 243,273 1 Cor. 2: 10 156
Rom.8:24
290 lCor.2:5 476
Rom.8:25
261 1 Cor. 3:12 240
Rom.8:29
409 1 Cor. 3:17 240
Rom.9:1.
462 lCor.4:2 210,212
Rom.9:3
33 lCor.4:3 214
Rom.
9:11 454 lCor.4:6 322
Rom.9:14
176 lCor.4:6 198
210
~EX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO.
SECTION
SECTION
1
Cor. 4:7 282 1Cor.15:4 86
1
Cor. 4:8 27,54 1Cor.15:18 139
1
Cor. 4: 12 438 1 Cor. 15: 29 230, 232
1Cor.4:18
440 1Cor.15:36 313
!
1 Cor. 4: 19 250 1 Cor. 15: 37 ...152,259, 313
1
1Cor.4:21 171 1Cor.15:51,52 59
!
1 Cor. 5:8 237 1Cor.16:3 310
!
1 Cor. 5: 10 ...31,249, 479 1 Cor. 16 : 4 405
t
1 Cor. 5: 11 44 1 Cor. 16 : 10 205, 209
1
1 Cor. 6: 15 176 1 Cor. 16: 11 166
1
Cor. 7:5 273
1
Cor. 7:8 273 2 Cor. 1:8 371,401
1Cor.7:11
282 2 Cor. 1:9 80,103
1Cor.7:25
446 2Cor.l:10 77
lCor.7:28
50 2Cor.1:17 218
lCor.7:36
112,182 2Cor.2:1 395
1
Cor. 7:39 79,260 2 Cor. 2:3 30
1
Cor. 7:40 260 2 Cor. 2:5 240
1
Cor. 8:5 281 2 Cor. 2:7 371
1
Cor. 8:9 206,209 2Cor.2:10 301
1Cor.8:10
4112Cor.2:13 80,396
1
Cor. 9:1 169 2 Cor. 2:15. 125
1
Cor. 9:4,5 468 2Cor.2:17 20
lCor.9:10
400 2Cor.3:13 414
1Cor.9:11
246,268 2 Cor. 4":3 84
1Cor.9:16
285 2Cor.4:16 284
1Cor.9:18
213 2Cor.5:13 47
1
Cor. 9: 26 445 2 Cor. 5: 20 445, 446
1
Cor. 10: 12 206 2 Cor. 6: 9, 10 446
1Cor.l0:27,28
256 2 Cor. 7:5 80
1Cor.11:2
75 2 Cor. 7:8 85,284
1Cor.l1:18
16 2Cor.7:12 284
1
Cor. 11 : 21 109 2 Cor. 8: 6 200, 411
1
Cor. 11 : 22 410, 468 2 Cor. 8: 9 37, 41, 438
1Cor.11:25
105 2Cor.8:10 481
1
Cor. 11 : 26 312 2 Cor. 8: 11 394, 400
1Cor.ll:29
436 2 Cor. 9:3 431
1Cor.12:2
315 2 Cor. 9:7 12
1Cor.12:15
486 2Cor.9:12 20
lCor.12:19
273 2Cor.10:9 372
1Cor.13:2
371 2Cor.l0:15. 378
1
Cor. 14: 5 ...171, 252, 253 2 Cor. 11 : 1 27
1Cor.14:10.
259 2Cor.l1:3 224
1
Cor. 14: 12 210, 229 2 Cor. 11 : 6 284
1Cor.14:39
402 2Cor.11:15 282
~EX
OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 211
SECTION
SECTION
2
Cor. 11 : 16 273 Gal. 5: 17 222
2
Cor. 11 : 25 ...39, 80, 88 Gal. 5: 18 ~ 242
2Cor.12:9
88 Gal.6:1 206,285
2Cor.12:11
284 Gal.6:6 123
2Cor.12:14
376 Gal.6:9 436
2
Cor. 12: 17 78, 88 Gal. 6: 13 124
2
Cor. 12:20 224,475 Gal. 6:14 176,177,476
2
Cor. 12: 21 224 "
:A
2Cor.13:5 469 Eph.1:9 139
1Eph.1:12
409
.;;',
Gal.l:6. 8,10,424 Eph.1:16 203
[.'(
1'
Gal1.7274Eph1.
17200:'
, Gal. 1: 8 278,281,285 Eph.2: 4. 39
"
I.'
Gal.1:10. 248 Eph.3:14 203
:'~
Gal.1~11. , 13 Eph.4~18 155
..'
Gal. 1.19 274 Eph.5.4 32
"~:t"
Gal. 1 ~ 22 429, 432 Eph. 6 ~ 11 414
Gal.
1 .23 34, 127 Eph. 6.17 295
,c
"
Gal. 2:2 227 Eph.6:22 44
I
Gal.2:3 438
Gal.2:4
199 Phil.1:6 60
,
Gal. 2: 9 217,385 Phil. 1 : 10 409
"~
.
I
Gal. 2:13 236 Phil. 1:18 60
.,
Gal. 2: 14 343 Phil. 1 : 23 107, 413
Gal.
2 : 17 ...176, 177, 242 Phil. 1: 29 481
Gal.
2:21 243 Phil.2:2. 217
Gal.3:2
387 Phil.2:6 394
Gal.
3:17 411 Phil.2:7 145
Gal.
3: 19 332 Phil. 2: ~2 479
Gal.
3:21 176Phil.2:i7 284
Gal.
3 : 23 120, 406 Phil. 2 : 28 44
Gal.4:4
293 Phil.3:1 96
Gal.4:8.
,85,485 Phil.3:8. 425
..Gal.
4: 11 224,227 Phil. 3: 10 397
Gal.
4 : 15 249 Phil. 3 : 11, 12 253, 276
Gal.
4: 17 198 Phil. 3 :16 364
,
GaL 4 : 18 384, 481 Phil. 4 : 5. 425
~
Gal. 4:20 33 Phil.4:8 301
Gal.5:2.
250 Phil. 4: 11 46,55
,
Gal. 5 : 3 124, 125, 379
Gal.
5 : 4. 11 Col. 1: 3, 4. ..134, 136, 439
Gal.5:7
402 Col.1:8 142
Gal.
5:11 245 Col. 1:21 155,420
Gal.
5:12 27 Col.2:5 284
Gal.
5:15 209 Col.2:6 293-
,
:
j
-.
-
212
~EX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO.
SBCTION
SECTION
:
.Col. 2 : 8 206, 424, 472 2 Tim. 2 : 13 287
~
-Col.3:18 32 2Tim.2:14 479
;;
Col.4:8 44 2Tim.2:18 112,390
~
Col.4:12 203 2Tim.2:25 225,344
-Col.4:16
205 2Tim.3:15 17
~
Col. 4 : 17 205, 209 2 Tim. 4 : 7 74, 85
2Tim.4:10
137
1
Thess. 1 : 8 369 2 Tim. 4 : 11 ...134, 138, 449
1
Thess. 1 : 10. 426
'IThess.2:8
481 Tit.1:6 469,470
1Thess.2:12
412 Tit.1:11 474
1Thess.2:16
411 Tit.2:8 368
1
Thess.3 : 5 227, 406
1
Thess.3 : 8 247 Philem. 4. 203
1
Thess. 3 : 10. 412 Philem. 11. 44
1
Thess.3: 11, 12 176. Philem. 13, 14 33
1
Thess. 4 : 3 386 Philem. 20. 176
1
Thess.4 : 18. 237
IThess.5:4
218,219 Heb.2:2 427
IThess.5:10
252,253 Heb.2:3 436
1
Thess.5:15. 206,209 Heb.2:8 415
IThess.5:19
180 Heb.2:10 149
IThess.5:23
176 Heb.2:13 94
Heb.2:17
409
2Thess.2:2
412 Heb.2:18.. 443
2Thess.2:3
166 Heb.3:8 162
2Thess.2:4
371 Heb.3:11 272
2
Thess. 2: 17. 176 Heb. 3: 12. .109, 206, 209, 415
2Thess.3:5
176 Heb.3:15 415
2';rhess.3:11
16 Heb.3:18 112
2
Thess. 3: 16. 175, 176 Heb. 4: 1 224
.Heb.4:2
84
1Tim.4:4
436 Heb.4:3 /,c272
1Tim.4:8
439 Heb.4:5 t;:;:'272
"...
1Tim.4:13.
328 Heb.4:7 ,,1. 475
1Tim.5:21
447 Heb.4:8 c;/. .248
1
Tim. 6 : 3 469, 470 Heb. 5 : 1 124, 125
1Tim.6:17
102 Heb.5:4 125
Heb.5:5
375
2Tim.1:8,9.
426 Heb.5:8 437
2Tim.1:16
176 Heb.5:11 377
2Tim.1:18
176 Heb.5:12 400
2Tim.2:2
376 Heb.6:9 284
2
Tim. 2 : 5 260, 287 Heb. 6 : 10. 218, 371
2
Tim. 2 : 12 ...254, 255, 266 Heb. 6 : 14. 272, 448
--
~-
r
II
~EX
OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 213
SECTION
SBCTION
Heb.
6: 17 425 Jas. 4: 2 108,408
Heb.7:6
82 JaB. 4:3 408
Heb.
7: 9. ...82, 383, 426 Jas. 4 : 13, 14. 294
Heb.
7:11 481 Jas. 5:15 431
Heb.7:13
88
Heb.7:25
387 1 Pet. 1:2 175,176
Heb.
7:27 139 1 Pet. 1:24 43
Heb.8:3
318 1Pet.2:16 446
Heb.8:5
82 IPet.2:18 479
Heb.8:9
461 1 Pet. 3:1 199,281
Heb.9:12
145 IPet.3:3 479
Heb.9:18
88 1 Pet. 3:7 409
Heb.
9: 26 31, 249 1 Pet. 3: 14 ...259, 273, 286
Heb.
10: 2. ...108, 230, 232 1 Pet. 3 : 17 259
Heb.l0:9.
88 1 Pet. 3:18 145
Heb.10:15
105 IPet.4:12 440
Heb.l0:25
293 1Pet.4:17 400
Heb.l0:36
219
Heb.ll:3
107,411 2Pet.l:2 ;; 176
Heb.ll:5.
390 2 Pet. 1:9 469
Heb.11:15
248 2 Pet. 1:17 55
Heb.
11 : 28 SO, 88 2 Pet. 1: 18 146
Heb.12:1
160
Heb.12:6
313 1 John 1:1 86
Heb.
12: 25 209 1 John 1: 9 218,263
Heb.13:2
147 IJohn1:10 88
Heb.
13: 5. 172,489 1 John 2: 5 79
Heb.13:9
481 1John2:7 28
Heb.
13: 21 176 1 John 2: 9 112, 390
IJohn2:21
486
Jas.
1: 1 388 1 John 2: 22 473
Jas.l:4
219 IJohn2:27 216,220
l'
Jas.l:5 269 1 John 3:1 213
j
Jas. 1:.11 ' 43 IJohn3:10 486
Jas.l:18
409 IJohn3:13 277
Jas.l:19
413 1Jobri3:18 475
JaB.
1: 22 479 1 John 3: 22 299, 314
Jas.l:24
43,78,79 1John4:2 460
Jas.
1: 26 261,385 1 John 4: 3 469, 470
JaB.
1:27. 386 1John4:6 470
Jas.2:8
67 1 John 4:7 160
Jas.
2: 10 50,307 1 John4:9, 10 86
Jas.2:15
250,420 IJohn5:12 486
Jas.
2:16 250 1Johnf}:15. 247
Jas.
2: 26 293 1 John 5: 20 198
C"
~
1
"I
".. ":""":c"1":;~~'-~-'--
!
214 ~EX OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO.
8BCTION
8ECTION
2
John 6 213 Rev.8:1 316
2
John 8 206,209 Rev.8:5 80
2
John 10 256 Rev. 9:4. 212,472
Rev.
9: 5. 212, 312
3
John 4 213,460 Rev.9:6 60
3
John 6 141 Rev. 9:10 378
Rev.
9:20 218
Jude
17 422 Rev.ll:7 303
Rev.
11 : 17 54
Rev.1:3
423 Rev.12:2. 389
i
Rev.1:18 429,431 Rev.12:4 305
I
Rev.2:5 275 Rev.13:12 205,210
Rev.2:11
487 Rev.13:13 210,222
Rev.2:25
332 Rev.13:16 205
Rev.3:2
28 Rev.14:13 124,218
Rev.3:3
88 Rev.15:4 172
Rev.3:9
205 Rev.15:8 331
Rev.3:11
293 Rev.16:9 371
Rev.
3:15. 27 Rev.17:12 52
Rev.
3:16. 232 Rev.17:17 332
Rev.4:9
308 Rev.19:3 80
Rev.4:11
376 Rev.19:13 75
Rev.5:5
371 Rev.20:3 331
Rev.5:7
88 Rev.20:15 242
Rev.7:3
164,331 Rev.21:16 293
Rev.
7:14. 80 Rev.21:23 216
Rev.7:16
487 Rev.22:14 218
ll.
OLD TESTAMENT.
Gen.
2:19 315 Gen.43:5 139
Gen.3:1
167 Gen.43:6 122
Gen.
3:22 398 Gen.43:11 227
Gen.
4:14 256 Gen.44:15 69
Gen.
4:15 148 Gen.44:26 256
Gen.l0:19
417
Gen.16:3
400 Deut.8:3 68
Gen.
19: 16 109, 415 Judg. 11 : 9. 252
Gen.
19: 21 398
Gen.20:7
256 1 Sam. 2:13,14 315
Gen.34:15
415 1 Sam. 2:24. 400
Gen.34:17
398 1Sam.12:19 141
Gen.
34: 19 401 1 Sam. 12 : 23. 375, 404
Gen.
34: 22 398 1 Sam. 22 : 13. 375
~c
',: .'c.cci! ,~-
...o..d
I.
l
1
INDEX
OF PASSAGES REFERRED TO. 215
SECTION
SBCTION
Ps.
78: 18, Heb. (LXX. 77 : 18) 375 Jer. 2 : 19 56
Ps.
101: 16, LXX. (Heb.102: 16) 65
Dan.
2: 26,27 145
",
Eccl.4:13,17; 404 Dan. 8:13 145
..'"
1
Dan. 3:24 146
l
Isa.5:14 898 Dan.8:26,27 146
"
1Isa.6:9
167
"
Isa.42:1 56 Mal. 2:17 66
"
,,"
III.
ApOCRYPHA, PSEUDEPIGRAPHA, ETC.
1
Esdr. 4: 26, 27 52 Ps. Sol. 2 : 29. 401
Ps.
Sol. 2 : 39, 40. 876
1
Macc. 3: 16. 404
1
Mace. 6: 13. 47 Ev. Pet. 23. 20, 88
IMacc.9:10
177 Ev.Pet.81 88
1
Macc. 12 : 22 " 122
Mart.
Polyc. 8: 2, 8 ..37 f.n.
Ps.
Sol. 1: 1 416 Mart. Polyc. 10: 1 217
Ps.Sol.
1:8 416
Ps.
Sol. 2: 28. ..375, 401, 406 Jos. Ant. 10. 4.2. 461
t
j
j
i
,
J
~"I
~
.
1
'1
(
\
l'B.INTED
IN THE TJ .S.A.
i
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.I
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,',
,,'~.
i
(
,t
|| Pope Shenouda || Father Matta || Bishop Mattaous || Fr. Tadros Malaty || Bishop Moussa || Bishop Alexander || Habib Gerguis || Bishop Angealos || Metropolitan Bishoy ||
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