THE CHRISTIAN AND WAR:
A MATTER OF
PERSONAL CONSCIENCE
DAVID
R. PLASTER
The issue of whether a Christian
should participate in war and, if
so, to what
extent is very complex. The Christian must balance
biblical
revelation concerning the authority of the state with his
individual
responsibility to love his enemies and to do good to all
men. A survey of
three attempts to achieve this balance (the activist,
the pacifist,
and the selectivist) reveals inadequacies in each. A
position
that mediates
between these positions appears to be a proper Christian
response to the
biblical norms. This position may be termed non-
combatant
participation.
* * *
INTRODUCTION
THE
issue of whether the individual Christian should participate in
war
has been discussed from the early days of the Church.
Tertullian,
Augustine, Thomas Aquinas, Martin Luther, and John
Calvin
are but a few of those who addressed the problem. The central
issue
has been and remains the ethical conflict between a Christian's
responsibility
to serve his government and the command of Christ to
love
his enemies. Godly men seeking to apply biblical principles have
arrived
at different answers to that conflict. George Weigel
points out
the
lesson to be learned from the diverse answers to this chronic
problem:
The very complexity of the Christian
tradition's teaching reminds us
that there are no easy or simple
answers to the dilemma of security and
peace. In a public climate where the
glib slogan or the bumper-sticker
phrase often defines the policy
debate, the richly textured tradition of
the Church quietly tells us that there
is no simple solution to the moral
problem of war, and that an indignant
self-righteousness is a warning
sign of errors. Moreover, the fact
that the Christian Churches have
sustained a pluralistic dialogue on
the ethics of war and peace reminds
us to acknowledge the validity of
another's moral concerns-especially
the concerns of those with whom we
disagree. We should search in
others' perspectives for possible
hints and traces of truth that might be
brought into our own.1
The Brethren response to this concern
has not always been
unanimous.
However, the doctrine of non-resistance has long been
held
in Brethren circles and is now held by many in the Fellowship of
Grace
Brethren Churches. The purpose of this study is to survey the
Issue
and analyze non-resIstance m the face of the
potential of con-
flicting demands placed
upon the believer.
PRELIMINARY MATTERS
The Authority of
the State
The subject of civil government pervades
both the OT and the
NT.
It is an aspect of God's providence, a fact of biblical history, and
is
integral to biblical prophecy. One basic theme of the Bible is that
civil
government is ordained by God.
While the government of
OT
also mentions other civil governments. Joseph and Daniel were
Jews
who served as leading officials in non-theocratic governments.
Amos
2:1-3 points out that God held the government of
accountable
for the use of its sword.
lesson
(Isa 10:5-19). Daniel records that God, after previous reminders
on
the subject (Dan
account
for not recognizing "that the Most High is ruler over the
realm
of mankind, and bestows it on whomever He wishes" (Dan
25,
32; 5:21).
Thus, the OT consistently indicates
that God has ordained govern-
ment wherever it is
found. The nations with their variety of social
organizations
and magistrates operate as divinely established institu-
tions. These
governments are accountable to God. Since government
is
given by God, it follows that to disobey government is to disobey
God.
This theme of the OT is continued in
the NT. Government is
presented
as a human institution reflecting various forms but deserving
the
believer's submission for the Lord's sake (1 Pet
able
to God for its ministry of punishing evildoers and supporting
those
who do good (1 Pet
1 George Weigel, Peace & Freedom: Christian Faith. Democracy and
the Problem
of
War (n.p.: The Institute bn
Religion and Democracy, 1983) 5. For a helpful
annotated
bibliography of writings on this complex issue see David M. Scholer,
"Early
Christian
Attitudes to War and Military Service: A Selective Bibliography," TSF
Bulletin
8: I (1984) 23-24.
PLASTER: THE CHRISTIAN AND WAR 437
believer
to have a clear testimony before the world by obeying civil
authority
(I Pet
Paul
consistently maintain this position.
Jesus lived in a conquered province in
an empire whose imperial-
istic ruler stood for
everything that was antagonistic to the revealed
faith
of the Jews. Jesus was not a revolutionary but instead conformed
to
the laws of civil government.2 Nowhere did he denounce the legiti-
mate
power of the state. Jesus paid his taxes (Matt
recognized
the authority of Pontius Pilate, even when Pilate unjustly
delivered
him over to his enemies (John
however,
that his authority was not autonomous (John
that
it was delegated from the One who was above.3 Thus, in practice
and
precept Jesus recognized that the government under which he
lived
was ordained of God.
The most extensive teaching in the NT on
the subject of the
Christian
and civil government is found in Paul's letter to the church
located
in the capital of the
some
basic principles which are at the very heart of the question
concerning
the believer's participation in war.
First, this passage clearly establishes
that the Christian must obey
the
de facto government of the region in which he lives (13:1). The
fact
that a civil government is organized and in operation gives
evidence
that it has been ordained by God. Paul makes no distinc-
tion between good
rulers and bad ones or between pleasant laws
and
unpleasant ones. The command is not unconditional in light
of
the fact that there are times that "we must obey God rather than
men"
(Acts
Christians
will obey authorities and their laws.4
Second, there are several reasons given
for this requirement.
These
reasons give insight into the proper God-given function of
government.
The "powers that be," no matter how pagan and impious,
are
functioning under the authority of God (13:1). It follows then that
to
resist such authority is to resist that which God has established and
2 Robert D.
Culver, Toward a Biblical View of Civil Government (
1974)
183-84.
3 Leon Morris, The Gospel According to John (NICNT;
1971)
797; William Hendriksen, Exposition of the Gospel According to John (2 vols.
4 C. E. B. Cranfield (A Critical
and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to the
Romans [ICC; 2 vols.;
verb
used here "can denote the recognition that the other person, as Christ's representa-
to
one (cf. Mt. 25.40, 45), has an infinitely greater claim upon one than one has
upon
oneself and the conduct which flows naturally from such a recognition."
This
passage
is not teaching uncritical and blind obedience to authority's every command
since
the final arbiter in a particular situation is not civil authority but God.
438
GRACE THEOLOGICAL
JOURNAL
to
face his condemnation (13:2).5 Furthermore, on its part the govern-
ment is expected to
inflict punishment upon evildoers and approve
those
who do good (13:3-4).6
Third, the obedience expected of every
person (13: 1) is specifically
applied
as a moral issue to the believer (13:5). The believer should not
submit
simply for utilitarian reasons. He must obey because he knows
that
it is right. This includes paying taxes to rulers, who are function-
ing as servants of God (13:6).
Fourth, it is especially significant
.that this passage reiterates the
power
of government to take a human life (13:4). The sword represents
the
God -given authority of civil government to inflict God's temporal
punishment
upon evildoers, including the death penalty.7 While this
passage
deals specifically which matters of criminal justice and civil
order,
It has also been applied to the military power possessed by
government.
The power of the sword is extrapolated to deal with evil
on
an international level.8
Therefore, the practice and teaching of
both the OT and NT
establishes
that God .has ordained the human institution of civil govern-
ment. He expects his
people to, submit to its authority m every way
not
inconsistent with his revelation.
The Christian's
Relation to All Men
The Christian also has specific biblical
direction regarding the
personal
use of violence. This is the other side of the issue. In both
OT
and NT there is taught a personal ethic of nonretaliation
and
nonviolence
to neighbors.9 The positive and active responsibility of
the
samt has always been to demonstrate kindness.
An OT passage which seems, to capture
the essence of what many
feel
is the NT teaching on this subject (Rom
Prov 25:21-22.
Jesus' teaching that the whole law hung upon two
commandments,
one of which was to love your neighbor as yourself
(Matt
Thus, OT believers lived under an
ethical system which proscribed
any
act of personal revenge. Self-defense was permitted, but with
5 There is a
twofold aspect of this judgment: civil and divine. See Cranfield,
Romans, 2. 664; and
John Murray, The Epistle to the Romans
(NICNT;
Eerdmans, 1968) 2. 149.
6 This praise of
good works may be conscious or unconscious, willing or unwilling,
as
the idea of reward is not implicit in the terms used. Even unjust acts of
persecution
by
civil government may ultimately bring praise and glory to God. See Cranfield,
Romans, 2. 664-65; and
Murray, Romans, 2. 151.
7 Culver, Civil Government, 254.
8 Cranfield, Romans,
2. 667.
9 Robert D. Culver,
"Justice is Something Worth Fighting For," Christianity Today
24
(
PLASTER: THE CHRISTIAN AND WAR 439
severe
limitations.10 Thus, the believer is not faced with the alternative
of
a NT or an OT ethic. The OT lays the foundation for the NT ethic
which
renounces the use of violence against others.
The position of nonresistance derives
its name from NT teaching
in
Matt
Matt
5:38-48 shows that there is at least some form of personal
nonresistance
expected of the believer. Even those who reject the
application
of this passage to participation in war agree that the
passage
is dealing with personal offenses and that "the believer must
have
the spirit of nonresistance so much a part of his life that he only
retaliates
as a last resort, and then only in a continued spirit of
love."11
The believer is commanded in the NT to
act positively toward
his
fellow man. It is not a matter of merely having a spirit of
nonresistance.
He is commanded to love his enemies (Matt
Luke
6:27; Rom 13:8-1011. This love for enemies is expressed in doing
good
for them (Rom
Those
who persecute the believer should receive back a blessing
(Rom
(Rom
with
all men (Rom
peace
(Rom
the
Galatians:
And let us not lose heart in doing good,
for in due time we shall reap if
we do not grow weary. So then, while we
have opportunity, let us do
good to all men, and especially to those
who are of the household of "
the faith [Gal 6:9-10, NASB].
In the teachings of both Jesus and Paul
the active lifestyle of
doing
good to all men and responding positively to persecutors is
clearly
commanded. The personal ethic of the believer is based on an
attitude
of nonresistance and nonviolence towards others.
THE MAIN
ALTERNATIVES
The Christian world falls into two broad
camps in response to
the
question of the believer's participation in war. One side responds
affirmatively
but some limit the kind of war in which a Christian
10 Ibid., 16-17.
11 Charles G.
Stoner, "The Teaching of Jesus in Relation to the Doctrine of
Nonresistance"
(Master of Theology thesis, Dallas Theological Seminary, 1970) 31.
12 This passage cannot be restricted to
love within the fellowship of believers
(cf.
Murray, Romans, 2. 160; Hendriksen, Romans,
2.439; and Alva J. McClain,
Romans: The
Gospel of God's Grace
[
440
GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
should
participate. The other side responds negatively but is divided on
the
question of noncombatant participation. Each position attempts
to
practice biblical principles.
The Activist
In the post-Vietnam War era the position
of the activist became
less
prominent. However, new movements closely associating the
political
New Right with some in the Fundamentalist camp could
possibly
lead to a grass roots acceptance of activism. The activist
position
is based on the principle that the believer is bound to submit
himself
to the divinely ordained government. Thus he must participate
in
any war his government enters.
Operating on the assumption that the
government of the
ris based on
Christian principles as well as self-evident truths which
make it the enemy of tyranny and
injustice, these advocates of patrio-
tism are convinced
that their loyalty to the state in time of war is
essential both politically and
spiritually.13
A modern advocate of this position,
Harold O. J. Brown, at-
tempts
to justify both the preventative war and the crusade. A pre-
ventative war is begun in
anticipation of an act of aggression rather
than
in response to it. "A preventative war intends to forestall an evil
that
has not yet occurred."14 The crusade, however, is "a war
waged
to
remedy a past atrocity, especially one recognized as such for
spiritual
or religious reasons.”15 Brown views
[homeland
as the prime example of a justified crusade. Wars of
national
liberation and revolutions motivated by a concern for ethical
principle
would also fit in the category of crusade.16
Brown argues that the individual is not
in the position to make
any
decision regarding the relative merits of the opposing nations in a Ii!.
war.
It is impossible to require each citizen
to know the facts that will
enable him to judge the justness of a
particular war. In the period when
he might possibly influence the decision
whether to go to war, he has
too little information. Later, when the
war has broken out, the informa-
tion may not do him
any good-"military necessity" will override all
other considerations.17
13 William E. Nix,
"The Evangelical and War," JETS
13 (1970) 138.
14 Harold O. J.
Brown, "The Crusade or Preventative War" in War: Four Christian
Views,
Robert G. Clouse, ed. (Downers Grove: InterVarsity,
1981) 155.
15 Ibid., 156.
16 Ibid., 158.
17 Ibid., 165.
PLASTER: THE CHRISTIAN AND WAR 441
Brown
puts full responsibility upon the leaders of the nation. Because
the
individual is unable to make an informed decision he is not
expected
to attempt it. Since the leadership bears full responsibility,
the
individual is delivered from any moral responsibility.
An individual is morally obliged to
refuse to participate in individual
acts that he knows to be wrong, but he
cannot be held responsible for
knowing that the war itself is wrong. If
he does know it and acts upon
that knowledge by refusing to fight, he
deserves praise. But if he obeys
his orders and fights, it is very hard
to condemn him. Individual respon-
sibility means not
making the decision to launch a wrong war, when
the citizen has the right to participate
in decision making, and not
performing wrong acts in war. However,
if a wrong decision has been
made by the government, it is hard to
hold the individual responsible
to resist it.18
This
is the essential argument of the activist position. However, this
approach
is disputable.
First, to argue that a believer must
always submit to his govern-
ment implies that
his nation is a "chosen people." This is not the
case,
since only
theocracy.19
Moreover, the Bible makes it clear that
there are higher spiritual
obligations
which may require the believer to disobey the government
in
order to obey God. In the OT Daniel, his three fellow exiles, and
the
Hebrew midwives in
to
higher spiritual obligations. In the NT the apostles chose to obey
God
rather than men (Acts
It seems clear that the believer cannot
escape his responsibility to
make
a decision regarding his participation in war. To argue other-
wise
could lead to moral bankruptcy. However, one question raised
by
Brown still remains. In this day of propaganda controlled by sinful
men
on all sides, how is the Christian to know that he is not killing
others
in the name of a cause that is ultimately unjust?
The Pacifist
The pacifist takes the position that the
believer should avoid any
participation
in any war. There are many forms of pacifism founded
upon
philosophical, political, or social agendas. There is a new breed
of
"peace" scholarship which converts the gospel of Jesus as seen in
traditional
"peace" churches into a political program, including the
abolition
of national defense and the complete elimination of war in
18 Ibid., 165-66.
19 Nix, "The
Evangelical and War," 140.
442
GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
the
world. It has as its goal the remodeling of society.20 However, the
present
study is focusing on those who seek a biblical base for their ,.
position.
Myron Augsburger, a Mennonite and a spokesman of the
rhistoric "peace
church" movement, states, "I want this stance to be
clearly
interpreted as evangelical and biblically based and different
from
humanistic and moralistic pacifism.”21
In contrast to the activist who has one
basic argument for his
with
attached corollaries which form the foundation of the pacifist
position.
First, many pacifists cite the pacifism
of the pre-Constantine
church.
Christenson and Bainton make this one of their
primary
rsupports.22
Augsburger himself is not adverse to including
historical
data
in his discussion,23 though it does not have a primary role.
It
is indisputably clear that the pre-Constantine church did resist
rparticipation in war.
Admitting that opposition to war was almost
unanimous
in the second and third
out,
Evangelicals today reject many views of
the second and third centuries:
the developing legalism, dependence on
rites called sacraments for sal-
vation (sacerdotalism), transfer of all liturgical acts and church
govern-
ment to a priestly
class (prelacy). So we are surely free to re-examine
early views on war.24
Accordingly,
in this study the use of church history to support pacifism
will
be set aside. The focus will be biblical arguments.
Second, Augsburger
points out that the Church as a voluntary
association
of believers is "a minority in society always separate from
the
state (any state, recognizing that God has ordained government
for
the good of the people). The church is not coterminous with the
state.”25
Hoyt points to John 18:36 where Christ declared to Pilate,
"My
kingdom is not of this world. If My Kingdom were of this
world,
then My servants would be fighting, that I might not be
delivered
up to the Jews; but as it is, My kingdom is not of this
realm"
(NASH). Believers are thus part of a kingdom separate from
20 Robert Culver, "Between
War and Peace: Old Debate in a New Age," Christianity
Today 24 (
21 Myron S. Augsburger, "Beating Swords Into Plowshares," Christianity Today 20
(
22 Reo M.
Christenson, "Christians and Nuclear Aggression," The Christian
Century
100 (
Peace (Nashville:
Abingdon, 1960) 66-84.
23 Myron S. Augsburger, "Christian Pacifism" in War: Four
Christian Views, 92.
24 Culver,
"Justice Is Something Worth Fighting For," 14.
25 Augsburger, "Christian Pacifism," 83.
PLASTER: THE CHRISTIAN AND WAR 443
the
state and have a responsibility to live as pilgrims and strangers
upon
the earth. Their conduct is to be conditioned by their heavenly
citizenship.26
William Nix in response argues that this
view "assumes that
believers
must be a minority group within society and be without
political
responsibility for the actions of the state.”27 Actually, when
Christianity
became the dominant religion, its role in society caused
many
changes.
The pacifist position often leads to a
"dropoutism" mentality,
including
the refusal to pay taxes or to serve in any political office.
There
is a disengagement from the whole body politic.28 However,
this
mentality is not intrinsic to the pacifist position. Augsburger,
for
example,
does not rule out all political participation by Christians.
He
believes that Christians may serve in political positions so long as
they
do not attempt to create a state church. However, "they should
not
consider holding positions where they could not both fulfill the
obligations
of the office and remain consistent with their membership
in
the
unfortunately
all too often fallen into isolationism or has led to a
refusal
to pay taxes.
Separation of Church and State is an
important truth that needs
to
be underscored. Obviously, the use of force or political power to
further
the ministry of the Church is forbidden.30 Though the Church
is
separate from the state, the Christian functions in both realms.
Since
government is ordained by God, serving the government is not
in
itself immoral.
Neither Hoyt nor Augsburger
would disagree with what has just
been
stated. What they are saying, however, is that "since the church
and
state belong to separate kingdoms or spheres of operation, the
methods
for defense and offense should also be different.”31 There is
a
dual obligation recognized by most Christians. Christians recognize
that
some things which are expected from them by God are not
properly
matters for legislative action on the part of the civil govern-
ment.
We operate under the myth that we are a
Christian nation, and we seek
to interpret for society an ethic we can
bless as Christians. We need a
26 Herman A. Hoyt,
"Nonresistance" in War: Four Christian Views, 32.
27 Nix, "The
Evangelical and War," 136.
28 Norman L. Geisler, Ethics:
Alternatives and Issues (
1971)
175.
29 Augsburger, "Christian Pacifism," 89.
30 Stoner,
"The Teaching of Jesus Christ in Relation to the Doctrine of Non-
resistance,"
36-37.
31 Hoyt,
"Nonresistance," 32.
444
GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
new awareness of the pluralism of the
New Testament. The crucial
issue is the difference between the Church
and the world; the Church
operates "within the perfection of
Christ," while the world operates
outside the perfection or will of
Christ. Only an understanding of this
can save us from a cultural religion and
from a civil religion.32
Simply appealing to separation of Church
and State does not
prove
the pacifists' case. However, it does open the possibility that
there
may be things which individual Christians should not do which
nevertheless
are not forbidden for the entire nation.
A third pacifist argument, related to
what has just been discussed
above,
emphasizes the priority of the believer's obligation to his
heavenly
citizenship. "The church is an interracial, supranational
transcultural body composed
of all who put their faith in Jesus Christ
as
Savior and follow him as Lord.”33 All those who name the name"
[of
Christ are translated into his kingdom (John 3:3,5; Coll:13) and
are
no longer of this world, even as Christ is not of this world
(John
tion in relation to
nationalism and allegience to any particular nation:
To affirm that one is a member of the
that loyalty to Christ and his kingdom
transcends every other loyalty.
This stance goes beyond nationalism and
calls us to identify first of all
with our fellow disciples, of whatever
nation, as we serve Christ to-
gether. This is not a
position which can be expected of the world nor
asked of the government as such. ...The
Christian can only encourage
the government to be the government and
to let the church be the
church.35
Augsburger believes that
this outlook on the primary loyalty of the
Christian
is even more basic to the NT than the principle of love.36
This
difference between the Church and the State points to a
distinction
that must be recognized. What
what
was commanded in the OT theocracy is not necessarily binding
upon
the NT believer.37
Up to this point in the argument, there
may not be much with
which
most Christians would disagree. The priority obligation to obey
32 Augsburger, "Beating Swords Into Plowshares," 8.
,
33 John Drescher, "Why Christians Shouldn't Carry
Swords," Christianity Today
24
(
34 Hoyt,
"Nonresistance," 32.
35 Augsburger, "Christian Pacifism," 87.
36 Ibid., 94.
37 Tom Fitts, "A Dispensational Approach to War" (Master
of Theology thesis,
PLASTER: THE CHRISTIAN AND WAR 445
God
rather than men is widely recognized. This alone does not estab-
lish a basis upon
which the pacifist can refuse all participation in war.
However,
this priority does come into conflict with a believer's active
participation
in war. Augsburger takes the reasoning forward another
step
when he states, "Since our highest loyalty is to the kingdom of
Christ,
and since that kingdom is global, a Christian in one nation
cannot
honorably participate in war, which would mean taking the
life
of a Christian brother or sister in another nation.”38 Those allow-
mg
participation m war to the point of taking human life have not
provided
an answer to this problem. Should obedience to the govern-
ment include a
Christian taking up arms and harming a fellow
Christian
simply because he is wearing the uniform of another nation?
Fourth,
pacifists point to the Church's commission (Matt 28:19-
20)
and argue that the work of evangelism has priority over military
service.
Biblical pacifism's objective is to lead
others to know Christ and follow
him, thus experiencing reconciliation
with God and others and becoming
ministers of the gospel of
reconciliation to everyone. To do this it is
impossible to participate in any program
of ill will, retaliation, or war
that conflicts with Christ.39
The argument is developed along two
different lines. Augsburger
and
Drescher40 ask whether a Christian, whose basic mission is evan-
gelism, should
participate in war to the point of taking the life of a
person
for whom Christ died. Hoyt reasons that if witnessing is the
supreme
business of believers, then military service would exhaust
their
time and effort. He adds that noncombatant service would
provide
believers with opportunity to obey.41
Arthur Holmes, in response to Hoyt and Augsburger, effectively
counters
these arguments. He points out that Christians in the military
will
have time and opportunity to reach people who otherwise might
never
hear the gospel. Moreover, there are many occupations which
could
become so engrossing as to interfere with the Christian's respon-
sibility to witness.42
He adds,
As for the argument that killing
prevents the victim's accepting God's
mercy, the same plea could be leveled
against giving the sword to
governments, against the Old Testament
uses of divinely commissioned
38 Augsburger, "Christian Pacifism," 60.
39 Drescher, "Why Christians Shouldn't Carry
Swords," 16.
40 Augsburger, "Christian Pacifism," 90; and Drescher, "Why Christians Shouldn't
Carry
Swords," 21.
41 Hoyt,
"Nonresistance," 41.
42 Arthur F.
Holmes, "The Just War" in War: Four Christian Views, 67.
446
GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
force, and against God himself for
allowing human mortality at all.
Even more tragic is the fact that in any
case not all will be saved.43
The pacifist might reply that the
Christian is separate from the
government,
and is in a dispensation different from the OT saints. He
is
not sovereign like God is. But the pacifist has to face the issue of
taking
a life in self-defense. To be consistent he would have to argue
that
killing a person in self-defense is also wrong since it would result
in
sending that person to judgment while the believer would go to
heaven.
To be consistent, the evangelism argument must apply on the
level
of self-defense as well as participation in war.44
The
final argument presented by the pacifists involves the basic
principle
of love for one's enemies taught by Jesus both in his sermons
and
by his example. Probably no other area of the discussion seems
to
evoke as much emotion on all sides as this does. Every position
wants
to view itself as consistent with the life and teaching of Jesus.
Pacifists
especially make this an important tenet in their position. The
argument
is developed in three steps.
First, pacifism is consistent with the
lifestyle of Jesus. He came
to
save and not to destroy (Luke
good
and healing (Acts
persecution,
he did not revile or threaten in return but instead offered
himself
on the cross (1 Pet
cified him. Believers
are thus exhorted to follow in his footsteps
(1
Pet 2:21) and to walk as he walked (1 John 2:6).45
Second, Jesus made explicit that which
was implicit in the OT
He
gave OT revelation a qualitatively new dimension in the Sermon
on
the Mount.46 According to that teaching, the believer should now
respond
to evil by imparting good, not evil. He is to love his enemies.
The
believer is also warned that "those who take up the sword shall
perish
by the sword" (Matt 26:52).
Third, the teaching of the apostles
continues this emphasis. Paul
emphasizes
doing good and loving enemies (Romans 12-13; Gal
Peter
challenges his readers not to return evil for evil (1 Pet 3:9).
In response to such arguments one must
examine what is really
meant
by the biblical statements. Jesus was using an extreme example
in
order to show that his disciples were to bend over backwards in
matters
of personal affronts. They were not to misuse the right of
lawful
retaliation. Jesus was merely stressing that in the matter of
43 Arthur F.
Holmes, "A Just War Response" in War:
Four Christian Views, 108.
44 Geisler, Ethics, 166.
45 Hoyt,
"Nonresistance," 40.
46 Fitts, "A Dispensational Approach to War," 55-57.
PLASTER: THE CHRISTIAN AND WAR 447
He
was not teaching unlimited nonresistance, but rather that the
believer
must have the spirit of nonresistance so that he retaliates
only
as a last resort, and then in the continued spirit of love.47 The
command
does not mean that Christians may never defend themselves.
The
point is that they should refrain from revengeful retaliation.48
Further, it appears that both Jesus and
Paul did not take the
command
to turn the other cheek with wooden literalness. Jesus chal-
lenged those who
struck him (John
the
Sermon on the Mount must be taken as emphasizing the heart
and
the emotions and an intelligent, kind response to the true needs
of
people.49
The Selectivist
Those who view both the activist and the
pacifist positions as
extreme
and problematic must modify one or the other. Modifying
the
activist position, the selectivist50 "maintains that the
believer is
obligated
to submit himself to authority until and unless that authority
compels
him to place that authority before God.”51 While accepting
the
individual's moral responsibility, this view also believes that there
are
times when morality demands a call to arms.
The selectivist
position has developed, since the time of Augustine,
a
set of criteria which enable the believer to judge the justness of a
war.
If a war is seen to be just, the believer may fully participate. Any
unjust
war is to be resisted. The believer must accept the consequences
of
his decision.
James Childress provides an extended
discussion of the criteria
involved
in determination of a just war.52 The basic criteria presented
there
can be summarized as:
1.
The proper authority has determined that a war is just and justified.
2.
The requirement of a just cause demands that the reasons for
undertaking a destructive war must be
weighty and significant.
War should be the last resort after all
possible measures having
reasonable expectation of success have
been undertaken.
47 Stoner,
"The Teaching of Jesus Christ in Relation to the Doctrine of Non-
resistance,"
31.
48 Ibid., 33.
49 Culver,
"Justice Is Something Worth Fighting For," 20; and George W. Knight
III,
"Can a Christian Go to War?" Christianity
Today 20 (
50 This category
is used by Geisler. Nix used the term "mediativist" while others
refer
to the "just war" position. These are synonymous.
51 Nix, "The
Evangelical War," 141.
52 James F.
Childress, "Just-War Theories: The Bases, Interrelations, Priorities,
and
Functions of Their Criteria," TS
39 (1978) 427-45.
448 GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
3.
A formal declaration of war announcing the intention of and the
(reasons for waging war is necessary. The
use of military force is ),
the prerogative of governments and not
individuals.
4.
A reasonable hope of success which is defined as being broader
than simple victory is also necessary.
Success thus defined would
limit the objectives of any war and rule
out total destruction Of
another nation's economic and political
institutions.
5.
The principle of proportionality requires that the means employed ~,
take into account the limited objectives
with total, unlimited war
rexcluded.
6.
The principle of just intention stresses that the war is initiated with
the goal to secure a genuine peace for all
the parties involved.53
In response, pacifists point out that
the development of nuclear
weapons
rules out the possibility of a just war. "The arguments for a
'just
war' in history appear to be quite irrelevant in an age of mech-
anized and nuclear
warfare.”54 Even a selectivist such as Geisler admits
that
"tactical nuclear weapons are a conceivable part of a limited war
but
megaton nuclear power is so devastating as to make such a war
automatically
unjust.”55 However, Culver, in defending the selectivist
position,
points out,
It is equally difficult, however, to
maintain that even modern atomic
warfare introduces a difference in
principle from the destruction of
that the Christian ought no longer to be
willing to fight for the right
because human suffering will be greater
than in the past.56
Culver
consistently maintains the basic presuppositions and interpre-
tations of the selectivist position. However, the selectivist
cannot easily
escape
the problem of nuclear war and justifiable Christian participa-
tion in it.
After establishing a criteria for determining
the justness of any
war,
the selectivist develops several lines of reasoning.
There are five
basic
arguments held by most selectivists.
First, in response to some pacifists who
appeal to the sixth com-
mandment as forbidding
any killing, the selectivist agrees that murder
is
forbidden but argues that not all life-taking is murder.51 Hoyt even
admits
that this is the case. The sixth commandment concerns per-
rsonal hatred with
intent to murder and is hardly comparable with
53 Ibid.,435-39.
54 Augsburger,. "Beating Swords Into Plowshares," 7.
55 Geisler, Ethics,
176.
56 Culver,
"Between War and Peace," 51. ..
57 Knight,
"Can a Christian Go to War?" 4; and Geisler,
Ethics, 170.
PLASTER: THE CHRISTIAN AND WAR 449
personal
responsibility in warfare which does not involve personal
hatred.58
Clearly God delegated the authority to take human life when
he
instituted capital punishment (Gen 9:6) and later incorporated it
into
the Mosaic Law. Every government, not just the theocratic govern-
ment of
The discussion goes further, however, to
point to the OT prece-
dents
for just warfare. The story of Abraham's battle against the
kings
in Genesis 14 is cited as an example of unjust aggressors being
resisted
by the sword.60 The destruction of the Canaanites along with
the
commands regarding the conduct of war in Deut 20:10-17 are
used
to support the view that God not only sanctioned the extermina-
tion of the
Canaanites but also other peoples who would not accept a
just
peace. While no nation can claim special revelation from God
commanding
war or a theocratic right to wage war, it is clear that
war
is not always contrary to God's will.61 Culver points out that the
OT
commands both a nonretaliatory personal ethic and
participation
in
war. Thus, such would be consistent for the Christian as well.62
Hoyt
agrees that force was entrusted to governments, not to
individuals
in the OT. However, he points out that,
There are some who insist that the
issues in
Testament
differ profoundly from the principles of the church in the
New
Testament. And because this is true, some Christians will insist
that
there should be no involvement of the individual Christian in
warfare,
and where it is permitted, it must be severely limited.63
Both
Augsburger and Hoyt point back to the basic
presuppositions
that
there is a separation of Church and State and that the obligation
to
the Church takes precedence. At this point an important fact
becomes
clear; interpretation of individual passages is not the crucial
issue.
Rather, the basic presuppositions and theological stance of the
interpreter
will determine the conclusions reached.
Second, Jesus gave his highest words of
praise to a soldier,
the
centurion of great faith (Matt
demand
that soldiers leave the army, but that they not misuse their
power
for sinful goals in exacting by force what was not rightfully
theirs
(Luke
described
as being a righteous and God-fearing man (Acts
58 Hoyt,"A Nonresistant Response"in
War: Four Christian Views, 137.
59 Geisler, Ethics,
170-71.
60 Ibid., 171.
61 Ibid., 173; and
Knight, "Can a Christian Go to War?" 4-5.
62 Culver,
"Justice Is Something Worth Fighting For," 17.
63
Hoyt, "A Nonresistant Response," 138.
450
GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
none
of these encounters are these soldiers told that being a soldier
[was
incompatible with their faith.64
Augsburger responds that
this is an argument from silence. By
the
same logic one could argue for slavery, a stance once taken by
some
American theologians, since the NT did not tell masters to free
their
slaves.65 Further, no one knows how these soldiers responded to
participation
in pagan sacrifices and emperor worship as part of the
Roman
army. It is just as easy to argue that these soldiers would have
had
to leave military service in order to obey Christ.
Third, at one point Jesus commanded his
disciples to buy a
sword
in contrast with previous instructions (Luke
disciples
already had two swords in their possession and the Lord
declared
them to be enough (
Peter
for using his sword on the high priest's servant (John
Luke
22:51, Matt 26:52). He admonished Peter that those who took
the
sword would perish by the sword.
The selectivist
points to these passages and concludes "that al-
though
there may be some symbolic meaning to the instruction of
Christ
to buy a sword, He is primarily preparing His disciples to
assume
the normal means of self-defense and provision in a world in
which
kingdom ideals are not yet realized.”66 While swords are not
valid
weapons to fight spiritual battles, they are legitimate tools for
self-defense.
Thus, Jesus is sanctioning the use of an instrument of
death
in defense against an unjust aggressor.67
Some pacifists respond that the purpose
of the disciples' swords
could
not have been for self-defense since this would contradict Jesus'
!teaching
of submission to persecution. The limitation to only two
swords
is cited to show that the purpose of the swords was not self-
defense.
Luke 22:37, beginning with "for," gives the real purpose-to
fulfill
prophecy. By carrying swords and meeting in a large group
they
would be open to the charge of being transgressors.68 However,
this
interpretation of the passage seems forced. The two swords were
real
swords. There is no evidence that Jesus considered the disciples
to
be the transgressors referred to in
Hoyt admits that this is a difficult
passage to interpret. However,
he
has a problem extrapolating the two swords into a just war
conducted
by civil government:
64 Knight,
"Can a Christian Go to War?" 5. ,
65 Augsburger, "Christian Pacifism," 84.
66 Stoner,
"The Teaching of Jesus Christ in Relation to the Doctrine of Non-
resistance,"
43. "
67 Geisler, Ethics,
171; cf. also Lloyd A. Doerbaum, "A Biblical
Critique of War,
Peace
and Nonresistance" (Master of Theology thesis, Dallas Theological
Seminary,
1969)
39-41.
68 Fitts, "A Dispensational Approach to War," 29-30.
"
PLASTER: THE CHRISTIAN AND WAR 451
Whatever our Lord meant by his statement
about buying a sword, it
certainly cannot be construed to mean
that he is sanctioning war in any
sense. If he meant self-defense in some
limited sense, then it is to be
explained in the light of other
Scriptures instructing Christians on the
use of physical force.69
This
appears to be a more reasonable approach to the data. It is also
the
only place that Hoyt comes close to admitting that self-defense is
a
legitimate option for the believer. However, based on his presup-
positions,
he does not view self-defense as including the Christian
bearing
arms in a war initiated by the civil government.
Third, pacifism is labeled as
"ethical non-involvism." The citizen
who
will not defend his country against an evil aggressor is morally
remiss.
The nation with adequate power which will not defend the
rights
of smaller weaker nations is also morally remiss. By failing to
defend
a good cause, the pacifist aids an evil one. "Thus, complete
pacifism
is at best morally naive and at worst morally delinquent.”70
This
charge is offered as further evidence that the believer must
participate
in a just war.
However, the pacifist does not believe
that "non-involvism"
adequately
describes his position. Augsburger believes that it
is impor-
tant to see that the
doctrine of nonresistance has a positive, active
dimension.
It is not a case of total non-involvement as much as it
is
a decision for selective involvement within parameters defined by
Scripture.
"This is a working philosophy of life. This is not an escape
from
responsible action, but is an alternative to the patterns of the
world.”71
The Christian carries an ethical responsibility to his nation.
He
is to give himself to others in doing good. This is not something
which
is suddenly activated during a war as if it is the way to avoid
military
service.72
It is clear that the believer has a
responsibility to be a good
citizen.
The question is not an unwillingness to defend oneself. The
pacifist
simply desires an active role of doing good for his fellow
citizens.
Yet he is unable to compromise his personal conviction not
to
kill an enemy soldier. The sincere biblical pacifist is not morally
naive
or morally delinquent. He is not abdicating his involvement in
government
policies or opting for a totally passive role.
The heart of the selectivist
position is based on an extension of
the
sword of Rom 13:4 to international conflict.
69 Hoyt,
"Nonresistance," 54-55.
70 Geisler, Ethics, 174.
71 Augsburger, "A Christian Pacifist Response" in War: Four Christian Views, 59.
72 Augsburger, "Christian Pacifism," 94; and Herman
A. Hoyt, Then Would My
Servants Fight (Winona Lake:
Brethren Missionary Herald, 1956) 16-17.
452
GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
If it is right for rulers to use coercive
force, then most men of good will
and good conscience will say that it is right
for the Christian to be a
part of the force. Reality, most will
agree, provides no "division of
labor" whereby one section of
humanity, as a matter of necessity and
duty, does something for my benefit in
which it is too sinful for me to
help out.73
If
the Christian should support and participate in the functions of
fgovernment, then why
should a Christian not participate in legitimate
governmental
use of force?
[This brings the whole question back to
the central issue. Hoyt
responds,
It is true that force was entrusted to
governments, not to individuals.
But it is not true that believers were
necessarily involved in the exercise
of force, even as agents of the
government, in the same way in the New
Testament as in the Old.74
Augsburger argues similarly
that the State operates on a different
level
than does the Church. While Christians might well have the
responsibility
to call the State to participate only in a just war, the
individual
Christian is called by Christ to a higher ethical function.
Augsburger goes on to deal
with this ethical duality by explaining
that
"while there is one ethic for all people. . . by which we shall all
be
judged and to which we are held accountable, the patterns and
levels
of life commitment do not conform to this one ethic.”75
Both Hoyt and Augsburger
are arguing from their presupposi-
tions regarding the
separation of Church and State and the priority
commitment
to the Body of Christ. Thus, the Christian has responsi-
bility to the State
(Rom 13:3, 6, 7) but that cannot include acts which
contradict
the Christian's higher responsibility to Christ.76
CONCLUSION:
NONCOMBATANT PARTICIPATION IN WAR
The noun "nonresistance" may
be misleading. It sounds a note of
non-involvement,
an uncaring isolationism when the nation is in the
throes
of a desperate military struggle. It could be interpreted as a
passive
and lifeless response to a very emotional issue. Perhaps “non-
combatant
participation" is a term which reflects a proper Christian
response
to the biblical norms.
73 Culver,
"Justice Is Something Worth Fighting For," 21.
74 Hoyt, “A
Nonresistant Response,” 138.
75 Augsburger,"A Christian Pacifist Response," 143.
76 Drescher, "Why Christians Shouldn't Carry
Swords," 23.
PLASTER: THE CHRISTIAN AND WAR 453
Observations
Before drawing conclusions, two
observations need to be made.
At
the outset, there was a reminder that this issue is complex. It has
given
rise to a dialogue among men who desire to conform their
personal
ethics to the norms of Scripture. There are two reasons why
this
diversity exists.
First, the Christian is faced with the
fact that the NT is silent on
the
specific question, does Christian responsibility to obey the God-
ordained
government include taking the life of others, possibly even
fellow
believers, simply because those individuals are soldiers of
another
nation? There is no "proof text" which settles that question.
There
is a necessary step that everyone must make beyond direct NT
statements.
Those who support participation in war lean
quite heavily on the
fact
that God has given the sword to civil government (Rom 13:4).
However,
Holmes, a 'just war" advocate, admits,
The passage pertains directly to matters
of criminal justice and the civil
order and only by extrapolation to
international conflict. But it does
make clear that for some purposes, the
precise scope of which is not
defined, government has the right to use
lethal force.77
Another passage that deals with this
subject of swords is found
in
Jesus' statements to his disciples in Luke
manded his disciples
to buy literal swords. He did not rebuke them
for
the two swords which they had brought with them. Geisler
moves
from
viewing these swords as legitimate tools for self-defense to the
conclusion
that "herein seems to be the sanction of Jesus to the
justifiable
use of an instrument of death in defense against an unjust
aggressor.”78
The step to international warfare may. be a logical one,
but
it is only an inference.
Second, it is recognized by all sides
that the determining factor is
not
the interpretation of particular passages of Scripture. Presupposi-
tions, the
theological premises built out of biblical study which are
accepted
at the beginning, determine the conclusions that are reached.
In
their discussions both Holmes and Augsburger79 make that quite
clear.
In light of the silence of the
Scriptures and the recognition of
theological
presuppositions, the following conclusions are offered with
77 Holmes, "A
Just War Response," 122.
78 Geisler, Ethics,
171.
79 Holmes,
"The Just War," 65; and Augsburger,
"Christian Pacifism," 65.
454
GRACE THEOLOGICAL JOURNAL
the
recognition that godly men of different persuasions have the liberty
in
Christ to disagree agreeably.
Conclusions
Does the requirement of obedience to the
government relieve the
believer
of individual ethical responsibility? The activist view is most
likely
erroneous. The apostles recognized that they had to heed God
first
(Acts
expected
to obey the government. However, Romans 13 is also clear
that
the government's authority is derived from God (13:1, 2, 4, 6).
Thus,
the believer should pay taxes (13:6). However his subjection is
not
required when the government expects something that is not
legitimately
due (13:7). The higher authority is God,
This does not mean that the Christian
prevents the state from
engaging
in war or from defensive preparations which might deter
aggressors.
The separation of Church and State allows the government
that
privilege. However, Christians are still bound personally by a
higher
priority established by a higher authority. God has made each
Christian
a member of the Body of Christ. The responsibility to
fellow
believers is abundantly clear in the NT. Numerous commands
about
love, forbearance, unity, and kindness fill the pages of the NT,
How
can the Christian violate such commands in the name of patrio-
tism? In addition,
even with qualifications added, the spirit of the
Sermon
on the Mount and direct statements such as those found in
Romans
12 and 13 regarding the treatment of enemies are binding
upon
Christians. Individual ethical responsibility must enter in if a
believer
is personally on one side of the gun aiming at another person
who
is there only because a war has been declared. Thus, In my view,
this
higher priority bars that kind of participation in war.
Commonly the issue of self-defense is
raised against this position,
"What
would you do if a man was threatening to kill your family?"
To
move to this personal and emotional plane obscures the issue.
"Nonresitance in war and nonresistance in this situation are
not
necessarily
parallel cases."80 There
is a difference between defending
one’s
family in this type of situation and planning to take lives in war.
It is wholly illogical to pose this problem
as the test for the non-
resistance position, In war the situation
is known and the movements
are all premeditated and planned with
precision. Surely the Christian
who feels that the Word of God warns him
against the show of
violence cannot deliberately plan to do
the very thing he knows is
un-Scriptural.81
80 Hoyt, Then Would My Servants Fight, 85.
81 Ibid 86.
PLASTER: THE CHRISTIAN AND WAR 455
To permit self-defense when one is personally
threatened with
violence
does not necessarily permit one to join in war and take the
lives
of "enemies" because they are from another nation. The separa-
tion of Church and
State and commitment to fellow Christians forbid
the
latter practice but not the former.
Each Christian must ask, "What is
my responsibility? What
decision
should I make in regard to participation in war?" I can
summarize
my own view of such responsibility in three statements.
First,
it is my responsibility to trust God as my ultimate defense.
Some
may feel that the noncombatant believer leaves to others the
defense
of the nation. While I would not deny the responsibility to
participate
in such defense as far as conscience allows, my ultimate
trust
differs from that of many of my fellow citizens. My faith is in
the
sovereign God as the ultimate Defender of me and my family.
Even
those believers who in clear conscience fully participate in war
need
to examine their priorities. Perhaps Christians should be as
concerned
to pray for the security of their nation as they are to
guarantee
its military defense.
Second, it is my responsibility to serve
my government as far as
conscience
and my commitment to Scripture allows. The separation
of
Church and State and my citizenship in the heavenly kingdom
does
not mean that I am to be isolated from the society in which I
live.
Christians are not to go out of the world (1 Cor
5:9-10) though
they
are "not of the world" (John
sent
into the world (as Jesus' prayer in John 17 indicates). Non-
resistance
then should not be passive but rather active as Christ's
commandments
are carried out.
Third, it is my responsibility to serve
my fellow man. Serving my
fellow
citizens and my government may well involve going into life-
threatening
situations knowing that I will not be bearing arms. How-
ever,
my service may involve binding wounds or serving as a chaplain.
Thus,
my refusal to take lives in the name of the government is a
biblically
limited participation not a refusal to participate. I prefer to
call
this "noncombatant participation" in war.
:
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Theological Seminary
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