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                            A Dissertation submitted to

                    the Faculty of the School of Theology

                           Fuller Theological Seminary

                               in partial fulfillment of

                     the requirements for the degree of

                                Doctor of Philosophy













                                 DANIEL P. BRICKER

                           PASADENA, CALIFORNIA

                                          MAY 1998






















              The Innocent Sufferer in the Book of Proverbs




                                           written by

                                      Daniel P. Bricker



                     and submitted in partial fulfillment of the

                                 requirements for the degree of



                                      Doctor of Philosophy


     has been awarded by the Faculty of Fuller Theological Seminary

                  upon the recommendation of the following readers:



                                                            Ronald Youngblood



                                                            Frederic William Bush



                                                            Duane Garrett





          It is difficult for me to thank everyone who deserves credit. My

friends and family members deserve recognition for the role they

played in offering unswerving support.

          First on the list are my parents, Paul and Therese Bricker of

Sherwood, Arkansas. They provided me with support in many ways,

and I can never repay them for all they have done for me, both in

relation to this program and in almost every other area of my life as

well. Then I would like to thank all my friends who are far too

numerous to mention by name. I would not have made it without

their prayers and encouragement.

          I must make special mention of the late Dr. David Allan

Hubbard, my first mentor in the program, who provided me with the

guidance and encouragement that I sorely needed. I was admitted to

the program with a nine-year gap between my master's degree and

the start of doctoral work, and I had a lot of catching up to do. I

regret very deeply that I was unable to present him with a finished

copy of this dissertation before he passed away June 6, 1996.

          I would also like to thank my primary mentor, Dr. Ronald F.

Youngblood, whose advice was helpful in many ways. Dr. Young-

blood was kind enough to take over about halfway through the

program when Dr. Hubbard retired in 1993. I appreciate his patience

due to the length of time it took me to complete the program because



of financial restraints and a whole host of computer and word

processing problems. My secondary mentor, Dr. Fred Bush, also

offered some extremely helpful advice and I wish I had been able to

incorporate some of his thoughts and insights into this study a little

earlier in the process. My external reader, Dr. Duane Garrett also

deserves recognition. This study interacts with Dr. Garrett's

commentary at many points and I feel honored that he was willing to

read and evaluate my dissertation.

          And special thanks go to Dr. Francis I. and Dr. Lois C. Ander-

sen, who treated me like family, offering advice and practical help in

many ways that I could not have done without as I drew near to the

end of this project.

          I would like to dedicate this dissertation to the memory of my

close friend, Zane A. Mills, who died tragically on March 3, 1996. He

was like family to me for nearly twenty years and no one could have

asked for a better friend. He knew more about innocent suffering

from personal experience than anyone I have ever known.

          It is my sincere desire that this dissertation not be left on the

academic shelf, but that someday it will contribute toward the min-

istry of the Church. If this dissertation adds to the knowledge of Pro-

verbs and makes a contribution to that ministry, whether mine or

anyone else's, it will have been worth it.








                                           Outline and Table of Contents

Acknowledgments                                                                                 iv

Outline and Table of Contents                                                                 vi

List of Abbreviations                                                                               xiv

Chapter 1: An Examination of the Issues                                                            1

Introduction                                                                                           1

I. The Issue of Theodicy                                                                          3

          A. Definition                                                                                3

          B. OT Books Related to Theodicy                                                 6

                    1. Job                                                                                           7

                              a. The Prologue                                                         7

                              b. The Dialogue                                                        9

                              c. The Divine Speeches                                             10

                              d. The Epilogue                                                        17

                    2. Qoheleth                                                                         18

                              a. 3:16-17                                                                 19

                              b. 4:1-3                                                                     20

                              c. 6:1-9                                                                     22

                              d. 7:15-18                                                                 24

                              e. 8:9-9:12                                                                26


II. Suffering in the Literature of the Ancient Near East                                        28

          A. Mesopotamian Literature                                                          29

                    1. Sumerian Literature                                                         35

                              a "Man and His God"                                                36


                              b. Letter-Prayers                                                       38

                    2. Akkadian Literature                                                         42

                              a. The Pious Sufferer                                                 42

                              b. Ludlul Bel Nemeqi                                                 44

                              c.  R.S. 25.460                                                          49

                              d. Babylonian Theodicy                                             50

                              e. The Poem of Erra                                                  54

          B. Egyptian Literature                                                                   58

                    1. The Absence of Theodicy in Egypt                                  64

                    2. Suffering Is Due to Perversion of Ma’at                           65

                              a. Admonitions of Ipuwer                                           66

                              b. Dispute of a Man with His Ba                               67

                              c. Tale of the Eloquent Peasant                                  70

                              d. Teaching of Amenemhet                                                   73

                    3. Inequality or Injustice was Often Rectified in the

                              Afterlife                                                                    75

          C. Conclusion                                                                               75

                    1. A Clear Sense of Right and Wrong                                  77

                              a. Egypt                                                                    77

                              b. Mesopotamia                                                        78

                    2. Significant Individual Worth                                            79

                              a. Egypt                                                                    79

                              b. Mesopotamia                                                        80

                    3. Conflict Between Deities                                                 82

                    4. Judgment in the Afterlife                                                 83



                              a. Egypt                                                                    83

                              b. Mesopotamia                                                        83


Chapter 2: The Lack of Discussion Related to Innocent

                  Suffering in the Book of Proverbs                                                 86

Introduction                                                                                           86

I. Past Assumptions                                                                                          86

          A. Proverbs is Conventional Wisdom                                             87

                    1. Reflection of a "Divine" Order                                                   87

                    2. Doctrine of Retribution                                                   96

                              a. Forensic Retribution                                              100

                                        (1) Proverbs 3:32-35                                        101

                                        (2) Proverbs 5:21-23                                        103

                              b. Dynamistic Retribution                                         105

                                        (1) Proverbs 11:31                                           106

                                        (2) Proverbs 24:15-16                                      110

          B. Job and Qoheleth React Against the Dogmatism

                    of Proverbs                                                                         111

II. A Current Proposal                                                                             116

          A. Many Proverbs Refer to and/or Assume

                    Innocent Suffering                                                               116

                    1. Parental Suffering                                                            116

                    2. Emotional Suffering                                                        117

                    3. Suffering Due to the Words/Deeds of Others                              117

          B. Job and Qoheleth are Not Necessarily in Opposition

                    to Proverbs                                                                         118

          C. Correctly Understanding the Proverb Genre Negates

                    Dogmatizing                                                                                 122


          D. Conclusion                                                                               124

Chapter Three: Parental Suffering in Proverbs                                     126

Introduction                                                                                           126

I. Parents in the OT                                                                                           126

          A. Social Structure and Duties                                                       127

                    1. Structure of Kin Groups                                                             127

                              a. Tribe Fb,we, hF.,ma                                                       128

                              b. Clan hHAPAw;mi                                                           128

                              c. Family bxA-tyBe                                                  130

                    2. Roles of Individuals                                                        132

                              a. Father                                                                   132

                              b. Mother                                                                 133

                              c. Children                                                                136

          B. The Family as a Setting for Wisdom                                         137

                    1. The Origin of Family Wisdom                                                   138

                              a. Parents as Teachers                                               145

                              b. "My Son(s)"--Literal or Figurative?                        147

                    2. The Purpose of Family Wisdom                                       149

                              a. Proverbs Directed Toward Children                        150

                              b. Proverbs Directed Toward Parents                         151

II. Analysis of Individual Proverbs                                                           154

          A. Parents of Fools                                                                       154

                    1. 10:1 (lysiK;)                                                                   156



                    2. 15:5 (lyvix< )                                                                  159

                    3. 15:20 (lysiK;)                                                                  160

                    4. 17:21 (lysiK;, lbAnA), 17:25 (lysiK;)                                         162

                    5. 19:13 (lysiK;)                                                                  165

          B. Parents and Public Shame, Mocking, Disgrace, etc                              167

                    1. Shame (wybime) and Disgrace (MlaKA)                                    167

                              a. 10:5 (wybime NB,)                                                          167

                              b. 19:26 (wybime NB,//ryPiH;ma)                                       171

                              c. 29:15 (wybime)                                                     174

                              d. 28:7 (MlaKA)                                                       176

                    2. Cursing (llaqA)                                                               182

                              a. 20:20                                                                    183

                              b. 30:11                                                                    184

                    3. Mocking (gfalA) and Scorning (zUB) 30:17                               186

                    4. Robbery (lzaGA) 28:24                                                             189

          C. Conclusion                                                                               191

Chapter 4: Emotional Suffering in the Book of Proverbs                     193

Introduction                                                                                            193

I. The Somatic Expression of Ancient Hebrew Psychology                       193

          A. Pre-Scientific Terminology and Broad Meanings                       193

                    1. Heart (ble/bbAle)                                                                      193

                              a. ble as the Anatomical Organ                                  194


ble as the Center of Inner Life                               195

                              c. ble as the Center of Ethical and

                                        Religious Life                                                 195

                              d. ble as Representative of the Whole                        196

                              e. ble as a Remote Place                                            196

                    2. Spirit (HaUr)                                                                   196

                    3. Soul (wp,n,)                                                                    197

          B. Similar Uses in Egyptian, Akkadian and Ugaritic                       198

                    1. Egyptian                                                                         198

                              a. Heart (ib and ha.ty)                                               198

                              b. Spirit (ba and ka)                                                            199

                                        (1) ba                                                                       199

                                        (2) ka                                                             199

                    2. Akkadian and Ugaritic                                                     200

                              a. Akkadian                                                             200

                                        (1) libbu                                                         200

                                        (2) napistu                                                      200

                              b. Ugaritic                                                                201

                                        (1) lb                                                             201

                                        (2) rwh                                                           201

                                        (3) nps                                                            201

II. Analysis of Specific Proverbs Related to Emotional Suffering               202

          A. Heart (ble)                                                                               202

                    1. 12:25                                                                              202


                    2.  13:12                                                                             206

                    3. 14:10, 13                                                                       213

                    4.  15:13                                                                             217

                    5. 25:20                                                                              219

          B. Spirit (HaUr)                                                                            225

                    1. 15:4                                                                                225

                    2. 15:13                                                                              226

                    3. 17:22                                                                              227

                    4. 18:14                                                                              229

          C. Soul (wp,n,)                                                                             230

                    1. 14:10                                                                              231

                    2. 28:17                                                                              231

                    3. 29.10                                                                              232

          D. Conclusion                                                                               236

Chapter 5: Innocent Suffering Due to the Words or Deeds

                    of Others                                                                           238

Introduction                                                                                            238

I. The Legal System                                                                                238

          A. Judicial Process in the Ancient Near East                                  239

          B. Judicial Process in Ancient Israel                                              244

          C. The Legal Process at Work                                                       245

          D. Proverbs and Legal Action                                                        246

                    1. False Witness/False Accusation                                       246

                    2. Reversal of Justice                                                          247

                    3. Value of the Legal Process                                              248


                    4. Royal Justice                                                                  249

                    5. The Legal Process and Everyday Life                                         251

                    6. How Can Justice Be Understood?                                    254

          E. Analysis of Individual Proverbs Regarding Innocent

                    Suffering and the Legal System                                           255

                    1. 3:30                                                                                255

                    2. 13:23                                                                              257

                    3. 17:15                                                                              259

                    4. 17:26                                                                              260

II. Damaging Words 11:9, 11                                                                  263

III. Harmful Actions                                                                                265

          A. 1:8-19                                                                                      266

          B. 3:27-35                                                                                    268

          C.  6:16-19                                                                                   272

          D. 16:29                                                                                       274

          E. 17:13                                                                                        278

IV. Conclusion                                                                                       279

Chapter 6: Final Summary                                                                    281

Bibliography                                                                                          293

CurriculumVitae                                                                                    318









                                            List of Abbreviations

          This is a list of abbreviations commonly used in this

dissertation. They are the standard abbreviations found in most

scholarly publications, but are listed here for the reader's

convenience. For full documention see the bibliography.

Abbreviations for books of the Bible are standard.


AB                         Anchor Bible

ABD                       David N. Freedman, ed., Anchor Bible

                              Dictionary, 6 vols.


AEL                        Miriam Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian

                              Literature, 3 vols.


AfO                        Archiv fur Orientforschung

ANE                       Ancient Near East(ern)

ANET                     James B. Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near.

                              Eastern Texts Related to the Old Testament,

                              3rd ed. with supplement


AnSt                       Anatolian Studies

AOAT                    Alten Orient and Altes Testament

BA                          Biblical Archaeologist

BASOR                   Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental



BDB                      Francis Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A.

                              Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon of the

                              Old Testament

BHS                       Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia

Bib                         Biblica

BibSac                   Bibliotheca Sacra

BKAT                              Biblischer Kommentar, Alten Testament


BWL                       W. G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom


BZAW                     Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fur die

                              alttestamentliche Wissenschaft

CAD                       I. J. Gelb, ed., The Assyrian Dictionary of

                              the Oriental Institute of the University of

                              Chicago, 21 vols.


CBQ                       Catholic Biblical Quarterly

CTA                       Andrea Herdner, Corpus des Tablettes en

                              Cuneiformes Alphabetiques Decouvertes a

                              Ras Shamra-Ugarit, 2 vols.

FOTL                     Forms of Old Testament Literature

HAL                       Ludwig Koehler and Walter Baumgartner,

                              Hebraisches and Aramaisches Lexikon

                              zum Alten Testament. Dritte Auflage; 4 Bande 

HS                          Hebrew Studies

HUCA                              Hebrew Union College Annual

IDB                        G. A. Buttrick, ed., Interpreter's Dictionary

                              of the Bible, 3 vols.


IDBSup                  K. Crim, ed., Interpreter's Dictionary of the

                              Bible, Supplementary Volume

ICC                        International Critical Commentary

ISBE                      Geoffrey Bromiley, ed., International

                              Standard Bible Encyclopedia, rev. ed., 4          vols.


JANES                   Journal of Ancient Near Eastern Studies of

                              Columbia University


JAOS                     Journal of the American Oriental Society

JBL                        Journal of Biblical Literature


JETS                      Journal of the Evangelical Theological Society

JNES                      Journal of Near Eastern Studies

JNSL                      Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages

JSOT                      Journal for the Study of the Old Testament

JSOTSS                  JSOT Supplement Series

JSS                         Journal of Semitic Studies

JTS                         Journal of Theological Studies

KAT                       Kommentar zum Alten Testament

KJV                       Holy Bible, King James Version

LA                          W. Helck and E. Otto, Hrsg., Lexikon der

                              Agyptologie, 7 Bande

LAE                        William K. Simpson, ed., Literature of

                              Ancient Egypt

MDOG                   Mitteilungen der deutschen Orient-


NAC                      New American Commentary

NCBC                              New Century Bible Commentary

NIDNTT                 Colin Brown, ed., New International

                              Dictionary of New Testament Theology, 4 vols.

NICOT                   New International Commentary on the Old Testament

NIV                        Holy Bible, New International Version

NASV                              Holy Bible, New American Standard Version

NKJV                     Holy Bible, New King James Version

NRSV                              Holy Bible, New Revised Standard Version

OBO                      Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis

OT                         Old Testament



OTL                       Old Testament Library

Or                          Orientalia

RB                          Revue Biblique

RQ                         Restoration Quarterly

RSV                       Holy Bible, Revised Standard Version

RTP                        Revue de theologie et de philosophie

SBLDS                   Society of Biblical Literature Dissertation


SBLSBS                 Society of Biblical Literature Sources for

                              Biblical Study

SJT                         Scottish Journal of Theology

TDNT                     G. Kittel, ed., Theological Dictionary of the

                              New Testament, 10 vols.

TDOT                     G. J. Botterweck and H. Ringgren, ed.,

                              Theological Dictionary of the Old

                              Testament, 8 vols.

ThZ                        Theologische Zeitschrift

TLZ                        Theologische Literaturzeitung

TOTC                     Tyndale Old Testament Commentaries

TQ                         Theologische Quartalschrift

Tr./tr.                      translator

TWAT                     G. J. Botterweck and H. Ringgren, Hrsg.,

                              Theologisches Worterbuch zum Ahem

                              Testament, 8 Bande

TWOT                     R. L. Harris, G. L. Archer, and B. K.

                              Waltke, ed., Theological Wordbook of the

                              Old Testament, 2 vols.

TynBul                    Tyndale Bulletin


UF                         Ugarit-Forschungen

Ug                          Ugaritica

UT                         Cyrus H. Gordon, Ugaritic Textbook, 3 vols.

VT                          Vetus Testamentum

VTSup                    Vetus Testamentum, Supplements

WBC                      Word Biblical Commentary

WMANT                Wissenschaftliche Monographien zu:m

                              Alten and Neuen Testament

ZAW                       Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche


ZTK                        Zeitschrift fur Theologie and Kirche


















                                        CHAPTER ONE

                       AN EXAMINATION OF THE ISSUES



          The main issue of this dissertation is the topic of the innocent

sufferer/suffering as it appears in the book of Proverbs. It will be my

purpose to identify the various proverbs that refer to or imply this issue and

categorize them in their collections according to subject matter and literary


          To the best of my knowledge, a study of this topic has never been

undertaken at this level.1 Analyses of the innocent sufferer or righteous

suffering have frequently focused on other portions of the OT such as Job,

Qoheleth, Jeremiah or Habakkuk, and that is appropriate. However, there

are certain assumptions held by scholarship that exclude the book of Pro-

verbs from this discussion. Part of this dissertation will examine these

assumptions and show why Proverbs should be given its proper place in the

Biblical treatment of this subject.

          In order to begin the discussion of these assumptions the first issue

to address is that of theodicy. We will briefly define the term and discuss

how the matter is expressed in Job and Qoheleth, in keeping with the

classification of these two books as wisdom literature. This discussion may


          1 There are studies which are similar; note J. A. Gladson, "Retribu-

tive Paradoxes in Proverbs 10-29" (Ph.D. diss., Vanderbilt University, 1978),

and K. T. Kleinknecht, Der leidende Gerechtfertigte (Tubingen: J. C. B.

Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1984). The former author takes a different approach to

the topic than I do, while the latter hardly mentions Proverbs at all.



seem to cover ground that is already very familiar but it is important for

this study in relation to the topic of the dissertation.

          The second major section of the first chapter will analyze innocent

suffering in the literature of Mesopotamia and Egypt. It will be my con-

tention that the documents recovered to date do not show a willingness to

place the blame for suffering on anyone but the individual involved, and the

reason for the suffering is almost always sin.

          At the end of chapter 1 there will be comparisons and contrasts of

Mesopotamian and Egyptian culture as expressed by the pertinent primary

literature on suffering. These will serve as a basis of comparison in chap-

ter 2 with the literature of Israel and how the wisdom materials approach

the topic of suffering.

          Chapter 2 will examine the assumptions of scholarship to discern

why the book of Proverbs has been left out of studies of innocent suffering. I

will argue that the exclusion of Proverbs from these studies is due pri-

marily to the classification of Proverbs as conventional wisdom, with Job

and Qoheleth reacting against the perceived superficial positions of con-

ventional wisdom.

          The practice of placing Job and Qoheleth in opposition to Proverbs

arises partly as a result of some inadequate views of order and retribution.

Until recently it was virtually a given among scholars to equate the world

view in Proverbs with the Egyptian concept of ma'at. This is now in

question and, in my opinion, inaccurate. It was also thought that Proverbs

expressed a world view that held a doctrine of retribution tied to an "act-


consequence" relationship. This is also in need of revision, as the study will


          After these discussions, I will set forth suggestions for viewing the

innocent sufferer/suffering in Proverbs. The first thesis is that there are

many proverbs that show an awareness of an innocent sufferer/suffering.

This should come as no great surprise, but the fact is that it has never been

explored in any depth. The second thesis is that the assertion that Job and

Qoheleth stand in opposition or contrast to the wisdom of Proverbs needs



I. The Issue of Theodicy

          The discussion here will focus on defining theodicy and exploring

some of the issues this term implies. The definition of Max Weber will be

evaluated and shown why it is not an acceptable working definition for this

study. Then I will examine the four elements of theodicy suggested by

Wolfram von Soden which show the conditions that must be present for  

theodicy to occur. The last part of this section will be a very brief look at the

OT books which contain wisdom literature.

          A. Definition

                    Theodicy is a term popularized in Essais de theodicee (1710) by

the German philosopher G. W. Leibniz.2 It is an attempt to defend divine


          2 L. E. Loemker, "Theodicy," in Dictionary of the History of Ideas,

ed. P. Wiener, 4 vols. (New York: Scribner, 1973), 4.378-379. The term "theo-

dicy" was known before this in Leibniz’ earlier work but it gained more

widespread exposure through this essay.



justice in the face of aberrant phenomena that appear to indicate the deity's

indifference or hostility toward virtuous people.3 The problems of evil and

suffering may be solved philosophically for any theological system if a

theodicy is successful, since it will show that the existence of suffering is

not incompatible with the belief that a moral deity created the world and

has sovereignty over it. In other words, a theodicy seeks to reconcile con-

tradictions within a theological system by explaining why things happen as

they do.4

          Another approach to the discussion of this issue is to redefine

theodicy. This is the approach of German sociologist Max Weber, who

referred to any situation of inexplicable or unmerited suffering as a

theodicy problem, and said theodicy itself was any rationale for explaining

suffering.5 While this broader definition may have some value in allow-

ing for a comparison across a wider range of religious experiences,6 in

my opinion it will not serve in the present study. The reason is that it

"beheads" the word theodicy by removing God (or a god) from the equation.

While this might be acceptable for some modern philosophical systems it is


          3 James L. Crenshaw, "Theodicy," ABD, 6.444.

          4 John S. Feinberg, "Theodicy," in Evangelical Dictionary of Theo-

logy, ed. Walter A. Elwell (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1984), 1083; in more detail

idem, The Many Faces of Evil (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1994); and in

general from the perspective of several different cultures, David Parkin,

ed., The Anthropology of Evil (Oxford: Blackwell, 1984).

          5 Max Weber, The Sociology of Religion (Boston: Beacon, 1963), 112-

115, 138-150.

          6 Gerald L. Mattingly, "The Pious Sufferer: Mesopotamia's Tradi-

tional Theodicy and Job's Counselors," in The Bible in the Light of Cunei-

form Literature, ed. W. W. Hallo, B. W. Jones, and G. L. Mattingly

(Lewiston, New York: Mellen, 1990), 313.


clearly inappropriate for any discussion of the cultures and religions of the

ANE, since religion was an extremely important part of society.7  The

result of this, as I intend to show, is that a true theodicy is not found in

either Egyptian or Sumero-Babylonian literature. It is only in the literature

of ancient Israel where this term truly applies, for example, in Job and


          The next question to be dealt with is that of the conditions required for

the question of theodicy to be raised. Wolfram von Soden has listed four

basic elements that must be present:

          1. a clear sense of right and wrong, so that a sufferer could

          reasonably claim to be suffering undeservedly;

          2. significant individual worth, so that personal suffering must be


          3. minimal competition within the godhead or pantheon, so that

          suffering cannot be blamed on one deity due to human loyalty to

          another; and

          4. a limited view of judgment in the afterlife.9


          7 R. E. Clements, "Israel in its Historical and Cultural Setting," in

The World of Ancient Israel, ed. R. E. Clements (Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press, 1989), 9; James K. Hoffmeier, "Egyptians," in Peoples of

the Old Testament World, ed. A. J. Hoerth, G. L. Mattingly, and E. M.

Yamauchi (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1994), 283, who cites Herodotus' words

regarding the Egyptians being the most religious people on earth; and

Gladson, "Retributive Paradoxes," 100, who calls attention to the "pervasive

religiosity" in Mesopotamian thought.

          8 See Isaiah 40:27, where the question is implicitly posed.

          9 Adapted from W. von Soden, "Das Fragen Nach der Gerechtigkeit

Gottes im Alten Orient," MDOG 96 (1965): 41-59.



If any of these four elements is lacking, the tension which generally leads

to a theodicy can be relieved. This is because the absence of any one of these

components can negate or qualify the principle of equitable or just retri-

bution. The presence of these four factors in any given situation may not

answer the question of suffering but it allows the deity to be absolved of

responsibility and therefore accusations of divine injustice are no longer


          B. OT Books Related to Theodicy

                    Not surprisingly, the book which most often comes to mind in

discussions of innocent suffering in the OT is the book of Job. A vast

amount of literature exists on this topic, far too much to summarize here.

Other books which refer to this theme are Ecclesiastes (or Qoheleth),

certain psalms (especially 37, 49, 73), Isaiah, Jeremiah and Habakkuk.11

While there are quite a few other scattered references to pain, suffering,

sickness, etc. in the OT, I will limit the study to those passages in the

Wisdom books which contribute to the current topic.

          In relation to the topic of theodicy one of the most common ways to

view the wisdom corpus of the OT is to see Job and Qoheleth reacting

against the strict dogmatism of Proverbs regarding the doctrine of retri-

bution. This will be taken up in some detail in chapter two, but I mention it

now in order to form a backdrop to the later discussion on the literature of


          10 John H. Walton, Ancient Israelite Literature in Its Cultural Con-

text, rev. (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1990), 180.

          11 See James L. Crenshaw, ed., Theodicy in the Old Testament

(Philadelphia: Fortress, 1983), for discussion of many of these texts. Also

idem, "Theodicy," ABD, 6.445-446.

the ANE. The following discussion of Job and Qoheleth will be specifically

focused on how they deal with the issue of theodicy.

          1. Job

                    Job's claim to innocent suffering went against the con-

ventions of virtually every religious system in the ANE. The response of the

three friends and Elihu to Job's assertions of innocence shows their

disagreement and disapproval of Job in his protestations of unmerited


          In the discussion which follows I will refrain from matters of dating,

structure, and the like. For these background issues the commentaries of

Hartley,12 Clines,13 Rowley14 and Habel15 will be sufficient.

          The issue of theodicy as expressed in the book of Job is very complex,

with a huge amount of secondary literature that can only be summarized

here. The topic will be analyzed in Job by literary division.

                    a. The Prologue

                              In the first two chapters the narrator goes to great

lengths to portray Job as a man of integrity, one completely undeserving of

all the woes that befall him, bringing Job's experience into conflict with the

doctrine of retribution, which is assumed to lie behind the book. It is

surprising that two of Job's statements in the prose introduction go counter


          12 John E. Hartley, The Book of Job, NICOT (Grand Rapids: Eerd-

mans, 1988).

          13 David J. A. Clines, Job 1-20, WBC vol. 17 (Dallas: Word, 1989).

          14 H. H. Rowley, Job, NCBC (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1980).

          15 Norman C. Habel, The Book of Job, OTL (Philadelphia: Westmin-

ster, 1985).


to the reward/retribution theologoumenon that those who fear God are

guaranteed divine blessing and protection from misfortune and tragedy.16

First, in 1:21 Job states that Yahweh gives blessings to the righteous and

may take them away; second, in 2:10 he says that wellbeing (bOF) may

attend the life of those who fear God or they may suffer misfortune (frA).

The latter statement comes in reaction to his wife's charge to "curse God

and die" (2:9). In this she apparently believes that the righteous will pros-

per and the wicked will suffer.17 Since Yahweh has allowed the righteous

Job to suffer, Yahweh is no longer worthy of the adoration and worship

which Job gives. She places the blame for Job's misfortunes directly on

God. One might have expected a theodicy, a justification of God here, but

Job does not attempt to acquit God of the responsibility for his tragedies.

Job's reaction is to affirm his loyalty to Yahweh.18

          Job's declaration can be viewed at two levels. When viewed "from

above," it vindicates God's confidence in Job against the Satan's accusa-

tions (1:9-11; 2:4-5). However, when it is viewed "from below," i. e., from a

standpoint which has no knowledge of the conversations which took place

in the heavenly court, it is a stunning admission of the fact of innocent

suffering, since not even the righteous are guaranteed safety from life's

misfortunes and tragedies.19


          16 E. W. Nicholson, "The Limits of Theodicy as a Theme of the Book of

Job," in Wisdom in Ancient Israel, ed. J. Day, R. P. Gordon, and H. G. M.

Williamson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 72.

          17 Clines, Job 1-20, 51.

          18 Nicholson, “Limits,” 72; Hartley, Job, 84.

          19 Nicholson, "Limits," 72.



                    b. The Dialogue

                              According to Nicholson the declaration at the cli-

max of the prologue in 2:10 sets the agenda for the rest of the book.20 In the

discussion of the problem of suffering in the poetical dialogue issues of

divine justice would be shown to give meaning to life in the midst of

suffering. As will be argued below, those in surrounding cultures believed

that suffering was almost invariably due to the sin of the sufferer, not the

fault of some deity. This is essentially what Job's three friends are

claiming, especially Eliphaz (chs. 4-5), who offers three explanations for

Job's predicament. These three theodicies are expounded by Eliphaz and

the other human speakers but never added to. Thus Nicholson sees

Eliphaz' first speech as more or less "programmatic"21 for the rest of the

following dialogue between Job and the three counsellors:

          1. No innocent person has ever perished (4:7-8).

          This pronouncement is intended to encourage Job, in the sense that

he needs to have patience and endurance. This axiom is based on a con-

ditional assumption, viz., if he is innocent then he will not die. It is an

affirmation of the doctrine of retribution but does not explain Job's suffer-

ing, since Job's integrity is not being questioned yet,

          2. All human beings are sinners (4:18-19).

          Since God charges his angels with error how can Job believe that

mankind is without fault? If Job is not without fault, then he should not


          20 "Limits," 73.

          21 "Limits," 74.


expect to be exempt from punishment. This view is met very clearly in

Sumero-Babylonian literature, e. g. "Man and His God," addressed below

under II.A.1.

          3. God chastens people with the intent to correct shortcomings (5:17-


          This aspect of the theodicy is not taken up again until the speeches of

Elihu (33:19-28; 34:31-37; 36:7-13, 15-16), but the previous two elements are

frequently discussed with increasing fervor and intensity.22

          Without a doubt, the principles of retribution and reward are

affirmed time and again in other places in the OT, just as the three friends

do, but their primary mistake was in the misapplication of these principles

to Job's particular situation.23

                    c. The Divine Speeches

                              The logical place in the book of Job to seek answers

to the problem of innocent suffering is in the divine speeches. There is no

shortage of material from which to draw opinions, so the discussions here

must be limited to some of the more meaningful suggestions.

          Unfortunately, there is no unanimous opinion on how the speeches of

Yahweh are to be viewed in relation to the issue of theodicy. At one extreme

of the spectrum are those who claim the speeches ignore Job's complaints

of injustice and show Yahweh to be a "blustering deity" who humiliates Job


          22 Nicholson, "Limits," 74. Discussing this in detail takes us too far

from the primary topic; for a brief treatment see Nicholson, "Limits," 74-79.

          23 Michael L. Brown, Israel's Divine Healer (Grand Rapids: Zonder-

van, 1995), 173. One of the lessons Job learned is that serving God cannot

always be reduced to a mathematical formula, as if trouble and tragedy

could never happen in the life of a God-fearer (cf. 1:2).



into submission.24 At the opposite extreme are those who attempt to solve

the problem of innocent suffering by dissolving it. According to this view,

the world is not founded on the retribution principle whereby righteousness

is rewarded and wickedness is punished. This view portrays the world as

"amoral" and thus it is absurd to expect a fate which morally corresponds to

one's deeds.25

          Both of these views are unsatisfactory. The first view portrays God as

an incompetent deity who is incapable of answering Job's accusations of

misgoverning the world. Because Yahweh has been called into account

and found wanting, Job is bullied into submission. The author therefore is

declaring Job's case unanswerable, and Yahweh stands guilty as charged.

The main problem with this view, in my opinion, is that it shows God to be

immoral, petty and abusive.26 Job's righteousness is of no value to God,

who uses and manipulates Job to prove a point. Then in the concluding

prose passage this same God restores Job to wellbeing once the point has

been made.27 This seems hardly credible or likely.

          The second view suffers from the problem of Job's previous rejection


          24 E. g., J. L. Crenshaw, "The Shift from Theodicy to Anthropodicy,"

in Theodicy in the Old Testament, ed. J. L. Crenshaw (Philadelphia:

Fortress, 1983), 9; and D. Robertson, The Old Testament and the Literary

Critic (Philadelphiaa,;Fortress, 1977), 48-50.

          25 Matitiahu Tsevat, "The Meaning of the Book of Job," HUCA 37

(1966): 73-106; and more recently Habel, Job, 65, 534-535.

          26 Cf. Nicholson, "Limits," 80.

          27 See Habel, Job, 533, and Nicholson, "Limits," 80, for a critique of

this position, which arises from a naive identification with Job on the part

of the commentators.


of the dogmatization of the reward/retribution doctrine. It seems unneces-

sary for Yahweh to simply endorse what Job has already maintained all

along, especially since the divine speeches censure Job.28 However,

according to some, Yahweh's speeches are not intended to humiliate but to

educate.29 Job is enlightened and comes away with knowledge that he had

not previously possessed as a result of the divine speeches.30

          Nicholson's view of theodicy in relation to Yahweh's speeches is

based on the ANE Chaoskampf also reflected in Psalms and Isaiah,31

where God's primeval victory over chaos is referred to or invoked in

contexts in which chaos seems to persist.32 His premise is that chaos,

represented by Leviathan, the Sea, or Rahab, etc. has been confined but not

eliminated.33 This, for Nicholson, raises the possibility that the enemy's

defeat may be reversed and it revives all the anxiety that goes with this idea.

The claim is that these texts acknowledge the "jarring disjunction between

present experience and belief in God's absolute sovereignty."34 It is only

due to God's intervention and vigilance that disaster is prevented. Creation


          28 Nicholson, "Limits," 79.

          29 E. g., F. I. Andersen, Job: An Introduction and Commentary,

TOTC (Downers Grove: InterVarsity, 1976), 269.

          30 Note the emphasis on the use of the root fdy in Job's confession in

42:1-6, and the comments of Habel, Job, 578-580.

          31 Pss 74:12-17; 89:10-13[9-12]; Isa 51:9-11; cf. Job 38:8-11; 40:25-


          32 Nicholson, "Limits," 80; building on the studies of Jon D. Leven-

son, Creation and the Persistence of Evil (San Francisco: Harper & Row,

1988), and John Day, God's Conflict with the Dragon and the Sea (Cam-

bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985).

          33 Nicholson, "Limits," 81.

          34 Levenson, Creation, 24.



endures because God has pledged it so (the Noahic covenant), and com-

pelled obeisance toward the great adversary (Leviathan, the Sea, Rahab,


          To react briefly to Nicholson's position, it must be pointed out that the

passages cited do not always contain a reference to a "confined" or "per-

sistent" chaos other than people (as opposed to primordial forces or

creatures). In other words, the breakdown of society enumerated in Ps 74,

for example, is not due to the continued existence and activity of Leviathan,

who was crushed and its body parts fed to the desert creatures (Ps 74:13-14),

making it difficult to see how it could continue to cause chaos. The enemy

(74:18) is identified as "foolish people," and those who do violence to the

oppressed, the poor and needy (74:20-21). Animal symbols are prominent in

74:19, with Yahweh's enemy symbolized by wild beasts and the covenant

people symbolized by a dove. This is hardly the same thing as Job, or

another human being, feeling anxiety over threats from primordial

creatures. The symbolic language of Ps 74 serves to express realities of life

in the language of human imagination in the form of mythical images.36

A similar observation can be made regarding Ps 89:10-13[9-12] where Rahab

is crushed. The use of the Canaanite myth is to emphasize Yahweh's vic-

tory over Rahab in the past, and forms a basis on which to call on Yahweh

to assert control over present circumstances.37 It is also important to note


          35 Nicholson, "Limits." 81; Levenson, Creation, 17.

          36 Marvin E. Tate, Psalms 51-100, WBC vol. 20 (Dallas: Word, 1990),


          37 J. Day, God's Conflict, 26.



that the "chaos" brought upon Israel is from Yahweh himself (89:39-46[38-

45]), even though it is possible that this is an instance of double agency, with

Yahweh allowing the forces of chaos to have temporary domination.38

This may be the case, but this psalm places the responsibility for Israel's

"chaos" solely on Yahweh. A similar observation may be made regarding

the Satan and Job's tragedies. Yahweh never blames the Satan in his

speeches, accepting full responsibility for the governance of the world, and

Job's misfortunes along with it.

          This sense of agency is the main problem with Nicholson's view, in

my opinion. One of the emphases in Yahweh's speeches is divine control

over nature. In Job 38:8-11 Yahweh has the Sea firmly under control with

fixed limits and boundaries, and Job can no more control the Sea than he

could bind Pleiades or loose the cords of Orion (38:31). Leviathan, a

frighteningly powerful creature compared to Job, is simply one of Yah-

weh's pets (40:29[41:5]) and numbered among several other phenomena

from the natural world seen as part of Yahweh's creation.39

          Thus I cannot agree with Nicholson and Levenson that the presence

of chaos in the world indicates a failure on the part of God,40 especially

when the divine speeches show these natural forces and amazing creatures

to be directly under Yahweh's control. Yahweh's defense of the design of


          38 Cf. Day, God's Conflict, 26, n. 70.

          39 See Ps 104:25-26, where the vast sea is the playground for Levia-

than, which Levenson (Creation, 24) humorously refers to as God's "rubber


          40 Nicholson, "Limits," 81; Levenson, Creation, 24.



the cosmos takes, place in a legal setting,41 keeping continuity with the

judicial setting of the dialogue.42 Many studies have shown the impor-

tance of the legal metaphor for understanding the theology of the book,43

and in my opinion it is the best way to understand the unfolding argument

of the dialogue and the resultant divine speeches, as well as the theology

behind the speeches. Job had appealed to God to answer him in a lawsuit

and the two divine speeches do just that. The details of this are too complex

to enter into the discussion here and Scholnick has done this already.44

Scholnick's study places the entire book in the legal genre but it is not

necessary to limit this book to a single literary form. It is probably more

accurate to see several different literary forms within the book, and

recognize it as a masterful blending of genres.45 The book of Job is better


          41Sylvia H. Scholnick, "Poetry in the Courtroom: Job 38-41," in Direc-

tions in Hebrew Poetry, ed. E. Follis (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1987), 186.

          42 See B. Gemser, "The Rib- or Controversy-Pattern in Hebrew Men-

tality," in Wisdom in Israel and in the Ancient Near East, ed. M. Noth and

D. W. Thomas, VTSup 3 (Leiden: Brill, 1969), 134-135; J. Limburg, "The

Lawsuit of God in the Eighth Century Prophets" (Th.D. thesis, Union

Theological Seminary in Virginia, 1969); M. H. Pope, Job, AB vol. 15, 2nd

ed. (Garden City:; Doubleday & Co., 1973), lxxi; H. Richter, Studien zu Hiob

(Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1959); and C. Westermann, Der

Aufbau des Buches Hiob (Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1956).

          43 E. g., Richter, Studien zu Hiob, and more recently S. H. Scholnick,

"Lawsuit Drama in the Book of Job" (Ph.D. diss., Brandeis University,

1975); G. Many, "Der Rechtsstreit mit Gott (Rib) im Hiobbuch" (Diss. Kath.-

theol. Fakultat der Ludwig-Maximilian Universitat, Munich, 1970); M. B.

Dick, "Job 31: A Form-critical Study" (Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins Uni-

versity, 1977); and J. J. M. Roberts, "Job's Summons to Yahweh: The

Exploitation of a Legal Metaphor," RQ  16 (1973): 159-165.

          44 Scholnick, "Poetry in the Courtroom," 185-204.

          45 See Hartley, Job, 37-43.



classified sui generis.46

          More to the point, the Yahweh speeches do not deny innocent suffer-

ing. In the divine speeches Job is assumed to be innocent but unin-

formed.47 He has doubted both the plan48 (38:2) and justice49 (40:8) of

Yahweh's universe. In seeing a legal background as the setting for the

divine speeches in which Yahweh is shown to be both Owner and King of

the world, I believe we come closer to their true intent. Job is informed of

Yahweh's right of ownership due to his role as Creator, and administra-

tion of the world is Yahweh's right by reason of his role as King.

          In the divine speeches Job is shown the paradoxes of the cosmic

creation which operate under Yahweh's control and by his design.50


          46 James L. Crenshaw, Old Testament Wisdom: An Introduction

(Atlanta: John Knox, 1981), 120; and Pope, Job, xxxi.

          47 The reverse is usually true in Sumero-Babylonian literature, with

sufferers assumed to be ignorant of their offenses but not innocent. This

will be shown in more detail below in the discussion of that literature.

          48 "Plan" here is hcAfe also "design." Yahweh's first speech answers

the charge of a disorderly world, see S. Scholnick, "Poetry in the Court-

room," 185-186. This Hebrew word is used in the creation poetry of Isa 40:13

to speak of God's design for the universe. It is used to refer to the divine

plan for mankind in Isa 5:19; 46:10; Jer 32:19; 49:20; 50:45; Mic 4:12; Ps

33:11; 73:24; 106:13; 107:11; Prov 19:21. For a chart of Job's doubts and

Yahweh's responses see Habel, Job, 530-532.

          49 "Justice" FPAw;mi is an important term in the book, which is replete

with legal terminology, see S. Scholnick, "The Meaning of Mispat in the

Book of Job," JBL 101 (1982): 521-529; and in more detail her Lawsuit Dra-

ma. Job had accused God of misgoverning the world and turning justice

upside down. Thus Yahweh challenged Job to match his ability to control

evil in 40:9-14.

          50 See Habel, Job, 534-535. In my opinion Habel's discussion of the

Yahweh speeches is an excellent treatment, see 526-535; cf. also Hartley,

Job, 515-517.


There is no failure on the part of God, but an assertion that Yahweh

governs the cosmos by means which include the law of reward and

retribution but also by standards which go beyond its mechanical

application.51 Job must recognize his creaturely limitations, and realize

that he is not in a position to doubt Yahweh's orderly design of the world,

nor his just governance of it.52 In my opinion the speeches of Yahweh

demonstrate just the opposite of Nicholson's view--viz., rather than show-

ing Yahweh to be a failure at controlling the forces of nature, he is in

sovereign control over all.

                    d. The Epilogue

                              The epilogue of this book has no direct bearing on

the issue of theodicy but it is extremely problematic in relation to this topic

except for those who view it as a reaffirmation of the doctrine of reward and

retribution. Job is restored to health and prosperity, seemingly as a

validation of the dogma that teaches that the righteous will be rewarded.53

This is all the more surprising when it seems that the retribution dogma

had been marginalized, or as was shown above, to be only one of many

factors in God's governance of the world.

          In 42:12a (cf. 8:7) we are told that Yahweh blessed the latter part

(tyriHExa) of Job's life more than the first (tywixre). Yet this does not neces-

sarily mean that this was a reward for his perseverance, as Hartley says:


          51 Cf. Habel, Job, 535.

          52 For a discussion on the difference in perspectives and perceptions

in the book see Stuart Lasine, "Bird's-Eye and Worm's-Eye Views of Justice

in the Book of Job," JSOT 42 (1988): 29-53.

          53 Clines, Job 1-20, xlvii.



          the doubling of Job's estate does not mean that he received a bountiful

          reward for the endurance of undeserved affliction, but rather that

          Yahweh freely and abundantly blessed him. The blessing proves that

          Yahweh is a life-giving God, not a capricious deity who takes

          pleasure in the suffering of those who fear him. In his sovereign

          design he may permit a faithful servant to suffer ill-fortune for a

          season, but in due time he will bring total healing.54


The retraction55 of the lawsuit by Job (42:6) and his intercession for the

three friends (42:8, 10) led to the doubling of his former wealth by Yahweh,

and abundant blessings are poured out on him. Had Yahweh been com-

mitted to a strict dogma of retribution the wealth given to Job would have

equaled the amounts listed in 1:2-3 rather than doubled.

                    2. Qoheleth

                              There may be less agreement regarding the interpreta-

tion, message and meaning of this book than any other in the Hebrew

Bible.56 Though higher-critical issues may influence the interpretation of

the various passages under consideration, the discussion will be limited to

the issue of theodicy.57 This issue has been ably dealt with in Michael V.


          54 Hartley, Job, 540.

          55 The translation of sxm is complicated by the lack of an object. If

the legal framework of the book is accepted there may be a clue to the object

of the verb in 31:13, where Job claims that he did not "dismiss/reject the

case (FPAw;mi)" of a slave. The implied object of sxm in 42:6 would be Job's

case against God, which he "dismisses/retracts," cf. Scholnick, Lawsuit

Drama, 303.

          56 In the view of R. Gordis, Poets. Prophets and Sages (Bloomington:

Indiana University Press, 1971), 326; and David A. Hubbard, Ecclesiastes,

Song of Solomon (Dallas: Word, 1991), 19, 23.

          57 For those interested in these background issues see, e. g., R. E.

Murphy, Ecclesiastes, WBC vol. 23a (Dallas: Word, 1992), and his biblio-

graphies; also G. S. Ogden, Qoheleth (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1987); and J.




Fox's work on Qoheleth58 and to some extent I follow his lead. However,

the approach taken here will be to analyze specific passages, in contrast to

Fox, who treats the issue topically.

          The passages in Qoheleth which specifically make reference to

injustices going uncorrected are 3:16-17; 4:1-3; 6:1-9; 7:15-18; and 8:9-9:12.59

                    a. 3:16-17

                              These verses are set within a pericope which

extends through 3:22.60 The main topic is the miscarriage of justice in

society, a situation which does not evoke a demand for fair treatment in the

courts, or to have dishonest judges removed. This generalized observation

of one human's injustice to another will be rectified somehow at an

unspecified time and place,61 apparently saying that God has, as it were,


L. Crenshaw, Ecclesiastes, OTL (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1987), al-

though his personal skepticism (53) must be taken into account in assess-

ing his interpretation of the text.

          58 Michael V. Fox, Qohelet and His Contradictions, JSOTSS 71 (Shef-

field: Almond, 1989), 121-150, though not without reservations. Fox is overly

influenced by A. Camus in his understanding of the book. See the brief

assessment, both positive and negative, by Duane A. Garrett, Proverbs,

Ecclesiastes. Song of Songs, NAC vol. 14 (Nashville: Broadman, 1993), 275-

277, 283.

          59 Another passage which might be treated in this connection is 10:5-

14, but see Murphy, Ecclesiastes, 102-103, and Fox, Qohelet, 124-125; both of

whom assert that this passage teaches that the consequences of the deeds

listed are a danger but not a certainty. The results are portrayed as unex-

pected, not as absolute causal linkages.

          60 Murphy, Ecclesiastes, 31; R. N. Whybray, Ecclesiastes, NCBC

(London: Marshall, Morgan & Scott, 1989), 76-81; J. A. Loader, Ecclesias-

tes: A Practical Commentary, tr. J. Vriend (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,

1986), 42-47.

          61 Murphy, Ecclesiastes, 36.



"a time to judge and a time to refrain from judging" (cf. 3:2-8 and 8:10-

13).62 The Hebrew text of 3:17 says:

                   Myhilox<hA FPow;yi fwArAhA-tx,v; qyDica.ha-tx, yBiliB; ynixE yTir;maxA

                            :MwA hW,fEm.aha lfav; Cp,He-lkAl; tfe-yKi


This raises the question of the meaning of "there" (MWA). Garrett holds to an

eschatological usage (cf. Ps 14:5a), with "there" being shorthand for the

time and place of eschatological judgment (cf. Zeph 1:14) or referring to

Sheol, in which case the ideas of the grave and judgment have been com-


          This deferment of divine judgment till the indefinite future makes it

a foregone conclusion, then, that distortions of justice are a fact of life,64

and mankind's only choice is to simply make the best of it (3:22).65 There is

no encouragement to work for justice or to strive against legal, oppression.

Social abuses are unalterable realities.

                    b. 4:1-3

                              Many commentators correctly connect these ver-

ses with the flow of thought begun in chapter 3.66 Human oppression is


          62 Whybray, Ecclesiastes, 77-78.

          63 Garrett, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, 302-303. He notes a related usage

in Job 3:17-19 where "there" refers to the grave, an impartial judge that

treats the mighty and the weak alike, see 303, n. 86, and cf. Robert Gordis,

Koheleth--the Man and His World (New York: Jewish Theological Semi-

nary of America, 1951), 235.

          64 Fox, Qohelet, 141.

          65 Whybray, Ecclesiastes, 77-78.

          66 E. g., Murphy (Ecclesiastes, 28-39) treats 3:1-4:6 as the overall unit,



the subject of these verses, as indicated by the three distinct nuances of the

root qwf:  the first as the abstract notion of oppression, the second as the

objects of this villainy ("the oppressed"), and the third as, those who are

involved in carrying out the actions ("oppressors").67 The repetition of the

phrase MHenam; Mh,lA Nyxev; shows how utterly hopeless the lot of the oppressed

is.68 The threefold repetition of the root qwf and the double use of the

statement regarding the lack of comfort produce an effect of emotional

intensity which is rare for Qoheleth.69

          The writer is not saying that one is better off dead than alive, but that

death is preferable to a life made miserable by oppression, since it frees

from trouble. A similar thought can be found in Sir 41:2 (NRSV):

          O death, how welcome is your sentence

                    to one who is needy and failing in strength,

          worn down by age and anxious about everything;

                    to one who is contrary, and has lost all patience!70


          This view is consistent with the general wisdom teaching concerning

"life," which in the book of Proverbs is not equated with bare existence.


while Crenshaw (Ecclesiastes, 101-107) sees 3:16-4:3 as a unit of thought.

          67 A. Lauha, Kohelet, BKAT 19 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener

Verlag, 1978), 81; cf. Crenshaw, Ecclesiastes, 105, and Whybray, Ecclesias-

tes, 81.

          68 Loader, Ecclesiastes, 47. See Murphy, Ecclesiastes, 37-38, and

Crenshaw, Ecclesiastes, 105, for arguments that the repetition is not a gloss

and should therefore be retained.

          69 According to Whybray, Ecclesiastes, 81.

          70 Murphy (Ecclesiastes, 38) observes that the thought of Qoh 4:2-3 is

close in spirit to Job 3 and Jer 20:14-18.




Those who were poor (e. g. Prov 14:20; 18:23; 19:4, 7) and those who were

oppressed by the powerful (e. g. Prov 28:15-16) were not regarded as posses-

sing "life" in the sense of the fullness of life, which was the goal and reward

of those who followed the counsels of wisdom.71

          Qoheleth laments the frequent occurrence of oppression and unjust

treatment, thus he is aware of innocent suffering. But the similar under-

standing of "life" to that of Proverbs shows that his thought here is not


          In Qoheleth's reflections on injustice death is a prominent feature.

In 3:16-17 death appears as the area of hope for the oppressed; it is "there"

that God judges the oppressor. Here death is simply the better alternative to

a life of oppression. It is not surprising that in 3:18-22, which comes

between these two texts, the subject is death itself.72

                    c. 6:1-9

                              This part of chapter 6 contains an extended reflec-

tion on the person who is prevented from enjoying all his possessions. The

overall point seems to be that it would be better not to have riches than to

have to give them over to a stranger to enjoy. The thought of this passage is

part of the larger context begun in 5:9[10] discussing the relative value of


          The specific statement regarding innocent suffering very pointedly


          71 E. g. Prov 3:2, 22; 4:22; 16:22. See Whybray, Ecclesiastes, 81-82.

          72 Garrett, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, 306.

          73 See Murphy, Ecclesiastes, 49, who considers the broad context to

consist of 4:17[5:1]-6:9, and breaks it down as an instruction on conduct

associated with the cult in 4:17-5:6[5:1-7], an instruction on officials in 5:7-

8[8-9] and on possessions in 5:9[5:10]-6:9.



fixing the responsibility on God is found in 6:2.74 Qoheleth's observation

may refer back to a similar idea in 5:12-13[13-14], and enlarge on it some-

what. In these verses riches are shown to be of dubious value because of the

harm possessions might bring to the owner. In the lines which follow,

Qoheleth's meaning is made clear. Wealth lost through some misfortune,

be it natural catastrophe or of human cause (theft, vandalism, etc.) means

that all the time and toil invested to gain the wealth went for nought. All

this was costly to the owner but did not profit him in the end.75 Following

this is a statement echoed in other places in the Hebrew Bible, notably Job

1:21; Ps 139:15; see also Sir 40:1. The idea expressed in the modern dictum

"You can't take it with you" in regard to wealth is similar to a theme

prominent in Ps 49.76

          In 6:2 a slightly different situation is pictured. The wealth is not seen

as lost so that a son, a rightful heir is deprived, but that it is taken by a

stranger.77 This would cause distress since the owner is denied not only

the enjoyment of his possessions but also the satisfaction of seeing his

accumulated wealth passed on to his son, thereby keeping it in the family.

This would have touched a raw nerve among some within the wisdom


          74 Fox, Qohelet, 219.

          75 Loader, Ecclesiastes, 64.

          76 Murphy, Ecclesiastes, 52; and note Loader's pointed comment:

"There are no pockets in a shroud," Ecclesiastes, 65.

          77 It is probably useless to attempt to identify the stranger beyond that

of an unknown person who is not a family member. The point may be only

that someone is enjoying the wealth who has no legitimate claim to it, cf.

Whybray, Ecclesiastes, 104, and Crenshaw, Ecclesiastes, 126.



tradition, according to Ogden.78 Material success and tangible posses-

sions were viewed as evidence of the divine blessing which was the

consequence of living a life pleasing to God (Prov 13:21, 25; cf. Deut 8:10).

Here Qoheleth casts doubt on this belief by suggesting that a wealthy person

may not be allowed to derive any pleasure from material possessions, thus

inferring an anomaly in human experience much like Job's, or that the

fate of a wise man in this situation is little different from that of a fool.

Qoheleth's comment on this is like that on many other sad circumstances:

"This is meaningless, a grievous evil."

                    d. 7:15-18

                              The traditional view of the retribution dogma is

contradicted here in Qoheleth's experience. He claims to have seen the

righteous one (qyDica destroyed in his righteousness, while the wicked one

(fwArA) lives long despite his wickedness. The use of the particle wye ("there

is") may express the fact that Qoheleth is aware that the righteous do not

always prosper and the wicked do not always suffer. The exceptions in his

experience show that the doctrine of retribution, one of the most funda-

mental principles of wisdom literature, has its cases where the exact oppo-

site is true.79 The equation of prosperity with righteousness and suffering

with sin is far too simplistic to apply to every circumstance.

          Verses 16-18 have been misinterpreted at times to teach that Qoheleth

advocates participation in some kind of sin,80 with the advice not to be


          78 Ogden, Qoheleth, 91.

          79 Loader, Ecclesiastes, 87.

          80 J. A. Loader, Polar Structures in the Book of Qohelet, BZAW 152

(Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1979), 48.



overly righteous or overly evil. Some have asserted that these verses teach a

"golden mean."81 This view, held by Delitzsch,82 Hertzberg,83 Gordis,84

etc. says that Qoheleth was encouraging readers to follow an immoral

doctrine, that is, to practice sin in moderation. However, this is a mis-

understanding, just as it would be wrong to believe that Deut 27:24 ("Cursed

be he who slays his neighbor in secret" RSV) approves of murdering a

neighbor publicly.85 A modern way to say a similar thing would be "Do not

be a fanatic."86 Crenshaw observes that 7:17 does not claim that sin in

moderation is acceptable. The teaching is that sin in an individual's life

may be unavoidable, but those who practice evil as a way of life are

destroyed by it.87 Thus Qoheleth is not dealing with the issue of personal

sins as such, but rather, an attitude of life that seeks the benefits of long

life, prosperity and personal happiness through strict observation of

religious and wisdom principles. The affirmation of fearing God as the


          81 According to Whybray, Ecclesiastes, 120. For an interpretation of

these verses which claims the warning here is against being self-righteous

and pretentions to wisdom, see R. N. Whybray, "Qoheleth the Immoralist?

(Qoh 7:16-17)," in Israelite Wisdom: Essays in Honor of Samuel Terrien, ed.

J. G. Gammie et al. (New York: Scholars Press, 1978), 191-204. But against

this see Fox, Qohelet, 233-235.

          82 Franz Delitzsch, Commentary on the Song of Songs and Ecclesi-

astes, tr. Easton (1872, repr. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1950), 324.

          83 Hans Wilhelm Hertzberg, Der Prediger, KAT 17/4 (Gutersloh:

Gerd Mohr, 1963), 154.

          84 Gordis, Koheleth, 265-266.

          85 Crenshaw, Ecclesiastes, 141.

          86 Garrett, Proverbs. Ecclesiastes, 323.

          87 Crenshaw, Ecclesiastes, 140. We could also say that it means that

we should not let sin get out of hand. Just because sin is unavoidable does

not necessarily mean it is uncontrollable.


advisable route in life is common to the wisdom literature, and shows the

contact of Qoheleth with the conventional tenets of wisdom thought.

                    e. 8:9-9:12

                              In this larger unit 8:14 is part of Qoheleth's reflec-

tion regarding the reversal of the retribution dogma also seen in 9:11-12.88

The failure to bring criminals to punishment is the general thrust of

8:9-13. Qoheleth comments that the lack of swift justice leads to increased

scheming and evil plans on the part of the wicked, then seems to affirm the

conventional wisdom belief that in the end "it will go better with God-

fearing men" and for those who do not fear God "it will not go well with

them, and their days will not lengthen like a shadow." This affirmation of

faith in divine justice seems to go directly against all the evidence Qoheleth

has cited. Living a long life is indicative of happiness and divine blessing in

the wisdom tradition (Prov 3:2, 16) and his admission of evidence to the

contrary combined with the tension seen in 8:14 regarding retribution

shows that it is not always possible to align the fact of suffering with the

simplistic claim that divine justice distinguishes between the righteous and

the wicked.89

          The conclusion to 9:1-12 affirms the arbitrary nature of life from a

human perspective rather than a divine point of view. Five examples taken

from different areas of life (racing, war, livelihood, wealth, favor) show that


          88 Garrett (Proverbs. Ecclesiastes, 328) treats 8:9-9:1 as a section en-

titled "On Theodicy," with 9:11-12 as transitional statements to another


          89 Cf. Murphy, Ecclesiastes, 85.



the optimistic view of life presented by the retribution principle (the right-

eous will prosper or succeed) must be moderated against a phony prosperity

piety, since regardless of one's talents events beyond one's control may

determine the outcome of a venture quite to the contrary of one's moral

character.90 Another way to state this in simpler terms is that it is diffi-

cult for one who holds to a belief in a rigid principle of equitable retribution

to make all the facts fit the theory.

          To summarize, the treatment of the topic of theodicy in the books of

Job and Qoheleth shows the doctrine of retribution to be less than dogmatic.

The righteous do not always prosper and the wicked do not always suffer.

On top of this is the problem of equitable suffering. The scale of suffering

does not always balance with the degree of the sin, if one was committed.

Both books present cases where exceptions are noted, thus removing the

stigma of divine disfavor from those who were not prospering or enjoying

the blessings of God. In his use of contradictions of conventional wisdom

Qoheleth loosens the rigidity of conventional wisdom to come to terms with

empirical realities,.

          For both Job and Qoheleth, Yahweh is given more respect and credi-

bility than the gods of other ancient societies, which often relegated the

relationship between the god and the worshipper to superficial levels. This

frequently led to supplicants attempting to cajole or manipulate the god or

goddess into blessing them, or, at least, removing the negative situation.

Yahweh, on the other hand, simply could not be manipulated. Good deeds


          90 Fox (Qohelet, 260) says the passage does not teach that, e. g., the

swift never win, but that they do not necessarily win.


and worship were not viewed as bargaining chips, and there was no

exchange of material blessing for adoration. This was also asserted in the

Torah where Israel was told that Yahweh is not influenced by bribes.91

Qoheleth acknowledges the justice of God as well as the mystery of God in

how justice is worked out.92


II. Suffering in the Literature of the Ancient Near East

          This part of the study will focus on the attitudes or views of suffering

displayed by some of the more prominent documents from certain cultures

surrounding ancient Israel, or Israel's predecessors. Due to the large

number of texts which have been recovered it is possible to examine only a

sample of the documents, which will, by and large, be representative of the

rest. In the analysis of this topic I will discuss the literary works of the

ANE under two broad categories, Mesopotamian literature and Egyptian


          There is evidence for wisdom literature in Edom (Jer 49:7; Obad 8),

Phoenicia (Ezek 28:3, 17) and Canaan but it is in scarce quantity.93 The

focus of this part of the study will necessarily be limited to Egyptian and

Mesopotamian sources since only Egypt and Mesopotamia have yielded

large amounts of this kind of material. Most of the discussion which


          91 See Deut 17:10.

          92 Murphy, Ecclesiastes, lxvi.

          93 See M. J. Dahood, "Canaanite-Phoenician Influence in Qoheleth,''

Bib 33 (1952): 30-52, 191-211. A more recent study, Gordon D. Young, ed.,

Ugarit in Retrospect (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1981), makes no refer-

ence to wisdom literature at all in reference to Ugarit.



follows will break no new ground and risks oversimplification. The pur-

pose is to provide a larger context for the specific problem to be addressed in

later chapters, and to show that the texts do not contain discussions that

can be called "theodicy" in the modern sense. Gods and goddesses were

rarely blamed for human suffering. It was almost always the human who

was at fault.

          The discussion of Mesopotamian literature will be divided into two

groups: Sumerian and Akkadian. In the conclusion I will examine von

Soden's four elements necessary for theodicy listed above and evaluate the

literature of Mesopotamia and Egypt to see if they meet the criteria.

          A. Mesopotamian Literature

                    A brief discussion of the Mesopotamian viewpoint is necessary

in order to appreciate the documents examined below, and the focus here is

specifically on how individuals related to the gods. Two groups of texts will

be discussed, Sumerian and Akkadian.

          To begin with, the Mesopotamians believed in a pantheon of gods.

Some were major deities, others played more minor roles. They were

essentially personifications of various aspects of reality,94 and guided the

world according to their purposes and laws.95 The gods often displayed

characteristics such as spite, lust and rage, and sometimes there was con-

tention between various gods due to competing purposes. They were


          94 Giorgio Buccellati, "Wisdom and Not: The Case of Mesopotamia,"

JAOS 101 (1981): 36.

          95 Samuel N. Kramer, The Sumerians: Their History, Culture and

Character (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963), 113.


members of a "divine assembly"96 which sought to determine a common

course. The interests of the gods ran roughly parallel to that of humanity,

since humans were created for the purpose of serving the gods:

          Blood I will mass and cause bones to be.

          I will establish a savage, "man" shall be his name.

          Verily, savage-man I will create.

          He shall be charged with the service of the gods

          That they might be at ease!97

This view of mankind was more a reflection of their society than their

theology, according to H. W. F. Saggs:

          In the Sumerian city-state,...the characteristic and most significant

          organization was the temple-estate, in which thousands of people co-

          operated in works of irrigation and agriculture in a politico-economic

          system centered on the temple, with all these people thought of as the

          servants of the god. The myth of the creation of man, therefore, was

          not basically a comment on the nature of man but an explanation of a

          particular social system, heavily dependent upon communal

          irrigation and agriculture, for which the god's estates were primary

          foci of administration.98

The gods needed people to care for them and, provide sustenance through

the sacrifices. From this the ancient Mesopotamians derived personal


          96 E. T. Mullen, Jr., "Divine Assembly," ABD, 2.214-217.

          97 ANET, 68. The quote is from tablet VI:5-8; cf. also VI:33-34. In

other works this poem is often called Enuma Elish, after the opening line

of the poem. Much the same attitude is taken during the Old Babylonian

period in the Atrahasis Epic; see W. G. Lambert and Alan R. Millard,

Atra-hasis: The Babylonian Story of the Flood (Oxford: Clarendon, 1969),


          98 H. W. F. Saggs, Encounter with the Divine in Mesopotamia and

Israel (London: Athlone, 1978), 168.



dignity and self-worth.99 Dignity and self-esteem for the individual person

were determined by function in that society.

          The lot in life for the average person was to be quiet, keep the land in

good order and attend to the needs of the gods, yet the number of requests

for divine intervention show that the purposes and plans of the gods were

not clearly discernible.100 These plans or principles which kept the cosmos

running smoothly were designated by the Sumerian word me, the exact

meaning of which is still uncertain.101 These divinely ordained decrees

covered over one hundred aspects of human life and civilization, though

many are still obscure in meaning due to the fragmentary nature of the

texts where they are listed, translation problems, and the difficulty in-

herent in attempting to understand a culture that has not existed for over

three thousand years.102 Thus there was a concern on the part of the


          99 Saggs, Encounter, 170.

          100 Karel van der Toorn, Sin and Sanction in Israel and Mesopotamia

(Assen: Van Gorcum, 1985), 4.  Atrahasis gives the reason for destroying

mankind in a flood as "noise." The debate over the term rigmu has a bear-

ing over whether the flood was justified by human sin; or whether humans

are merely a nuisance. It has been suggested that the noise which dis-

turbed Enlil was a metaphoric reference to wicked behavior; see Robert

Oden, "Divine Aspirations in Atrahasis and in Genesis 1-11," ZAW 93

(1981): 197-216, thus the need to keep "quiet." Population control is another

possibility suggested by A. D. Kilmer, in "The Mesopotamian Concept of

Overpopulation and Its Solution as Reflected in the Mythology," Or 41 (1972):


          101 Kramer, The Sumerians, 115. A list of the discernible portions of

the mes is on 116.

          102 For a discussion of me, see Gertrud Farber-Flugge, Der Mythos

"Inanna and Enki" unter besonderer Berucksichtigung der Liste der me

(Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1973). This book lists previous discus-

sions (116, n. 121); and cf. also W. W. Hallo and J. J. A. van Dijk, The



individual to live according to the divine order that regulated virtually all

areas of life.103

          For the ordinary human the more prominent deities seemed remote

and unapproachable. Thus the individual's main focus in religion had to

do with personal gods, who were seen as intermediaries and intercessors

between the supplicant and the great gods.104 The personal god was inti-

mately involved with an individual's success or failure, as indicated by the

following proverb:

          The destruction is from his own (personal) god;

          He knows no savior.105

The personal god was often envisioned or addressed as a parent. Under

this metaphor the god was seen in four ways: (1) the physical aspect (the

father as engenderer of a child or the mother who gave birth), (2) the

provider aspect, (3) the protector and intercessor, and (4) the claim parents

have upon children for honor and obedience.106


Exaltation of Inanna (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), 49-50 for

Hallo's view, which is that a me represents a divine attribute.

          103 See John Gray, "The Book of Job in the Context of Near Eastern

Literature," ZAW 82 (1970): 251-252.

          104 For a discussion of the personal gods see T. Jacobsen, The        Trea-

sures of Darkness: A History of Mesopotamian Religion (New Haven: Yale

University Press, 1976), 147-164, and H. Vorlander, Mein Gott: die Vorstel-

lungen vom personlich Gott irn Alten Orient and im Alten Testament,

AOAT 23 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1975).

          105 Edmund I. Gordon, Sumerian Proverbs: Glimpses of Everyday

Life in Ancient Mesopotamia (Philadelphia: University Museum, Univer-

sity of Pennsylvania Press, 1959), 45, 306.

          106 Jacobsen, Treasures of Darkness, 158.



          The metaphor of the parent under which the personal god was

viewed made the cosmic powers of the gods more immediate and approach-

able, and this ultimately led to the paradox of the righteous sufferer in

Mesopotamian literature. The personal deities were imaged as parental

figures and portrayed in a positive light. Yet when misfortune came upon

the individual there seemed to be no way to know what had been done to

offend the god other than reading omens or trial-and-error guessing.107

This is very evident in dingir.sa.dib.ba texts:

          My god, I did not know how severe your punishment is.

          I frivolously took a solemn oath in your name,

          I profaned your decrees, I went too far,

          I .... your mission in trouble,

          I transgressed your way much,

          I did not know, much .[...

          My iniquities are many: I know not what I did.108

In the last line quoted the supplicant appears to portray both parts of the

theological problem faced by the one who suffers: an assumption of guilt

and an ignorance of the offense.

          To these people there was no sharp distinction between the care of the

body and care of the soul, as opposed to modern Western societies in which

religious faith and scientific medical practice are frequently viewed as

mutually exclusive categories.109 For the ancient Mesopotamians the onset


          107 Van der Toorn, Sin and Sanction, 94-97; see also Walton, Ancient

Israelite Literature, 153.

          108 W G. Lambert, "DINGIR.SA.DIB.BA Incantations," JNES 33

(1974): 275, lines 23-29. The expression dingir.sa.dib.ba has reference to

appeasing an angry god."

          109 Brown, Israel's Divine Healer, 54; and cf. J. W. Provensha, M. D.,



of disease, illness and misfortune were often seen to have mysterious

causes. Speaking specifically of the situation of debilitating illness,

Michael Brown says:

          If one lost one's health and vigor one became a burden to both family

          and society, apparently suffering from divine disfavor as well. Thus

          it was crucial that the deity's favor be incurred and his or her help

          secured. To the ancient Near Eastern--and biblical!--mind, it was

          impossible to countenance a major god /God who did not heal.110

          Another factor in the problem of suffering is that of the human

element in healing, i. e., the existence of those who practiced medicine.

They practiced magical arts and divination in order to diagnose the cause of

the disease or malady, and also prescribed appropriate incantations or

other kinds of treatment to alleviate the suffering, or appease the offended

deity who would take away the problem. The two most frequent terms

referring to those who practiced the medical art were the asipu and asu.

The asipu viewed the onset of disease as a chain of events initiated under

the influence of "supernatural" powers or forces, which proceeded on a

predetermined course to an outcome that could be predicted by the skillful

reading of "signs."111 The asu viewed disease as the complex of presenting

symptoms and findings; by his "practical grasp" (intuition plus accumu-


"The Healing Christ," in Healing and Christianity, ed. M. Kelsey (New

York: Harper & Row, 1973), 361-364.

          110 Brown, Israel's Divine Healer, 53 (emphasis in original).

          111 E. K. Ritter, "Magical-expert (=asipu) and Physician (=asu).

Notes on Two Complementary Professions in Babylonian Medicine," in

Studies in Honor of Benno Landsberger on his 75th Birthday, ed. H. Guter-

bock and T. Jacobsen (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965), 301.



lated experience) of the immediate situation he prescribed treatment.112

Treatment most often included herbs, plants, animal parts, etc., mixed

with carriers such as beer, vinegar, honey, or tallow, and introduced into

the patient's body by means of ingestion, enema or suppository. Other

treatments were topical lotions or salves used directly on the body.113

          Mesopotamian medicine shows a highly developed internal system

which integrated folk-belief, cultic ritual, and prescribed treatment.114

However it shows change over time, with the asu falling out of use in favor

of the asipu, so one should not expect to see both offices featured

prominently in all Mesopotamian medical texts.115

          1. Sumerian Literature

                    Although the Sumerians are never referred to in the

Bible116 their language, culture and religion had a profound effect on the

Assyrians and, later, the Babylonians, both of which had considerable

influence militarily, politically, culturally and religiously on Israel.


          112 Ritter, "Magical-expert," 302. For more discussion of these two

professions see Brown, Israel's Divine Healer, 40-43; and A. Leo Oppen-

heim, Ancient Mesopotamia. Portrait of a Dead Civilization, rev. E. Reiner

(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977), 288-305.

          113 Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, 292.

          114 See Brown, Israel's Divine Healer, 42-43, and the accompanying


          115 For a brief sketch of the history of Mesopotamian medicine see

Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, 288-305; and J. V. Kinnier Wilson,

"Medicine in the Land and Times of the Old Testament," in Studies in the

Period of David and Solomon and Other Essays, ed. T. Ishida (Winona

Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1982), 347-358.

          116 Walter R. Bodine, "Sumerians," in Peoples of the Old Testament

World, ed. A. J. Hoerth, G. L. Mattingly, and E. M. Yamauchi (Grand

Rapids: Baker, 1994), 19-20, especially n. 1.



                    a. "Man and His God"

                              This poem, which is dated c. 1700 B. C. or

earlier,117 can be divided into five sections: (1) lines 1-9, introduction; (2)

lines 10-20+, description of an individual's sickness and misfortune; (3)

lines 26-116, the main body of the poem, a description of poor treatment by

his contemporaries (26-55), a lament (56-95) and confession of guilt, sin and

an appeal for deliverance (96-116); (4) lines 117-129, the response of the god;

and (5) lines 130-140 praise to the god, followed by a one-line colophon.118

          Since, in the Sumerian world view, humanity was created to serve

the gods119 and blessings and prosperity gained thereby, the penitent

sufferer in the poem confesses his sin and guilt in the hope that his present

misfortune will be reversed. However, there is no mention of a specific

transgression and the sin is never explicitly stated.

          In general, offense to the gods, or sin, was more often seen in terms


          117 S. N. Kramer, "‘Man and His God’: A Sumerian Variation on the

Job Motif," in Wisdom in Israel and the Ancient Near East, ed. M. Noth

and D. W. Thomas, VTSup 3 (Leiden: Brill, 1955), 170, suggests it may go

back as far as the Third Dynasty of Ur, c. 2000 B. C. This dating has gained

general acceptance. But for a list of some dissenting scholars see

Mattingly, "The Pious Sufferer," 308-309.

          118 Kramer, "Man and His God," 171; cf. ANET, 590.  Because of

numerous lacunae in the text and the obscurity of a number of crucial

passages the suggested section division is not quite certain, according to


          119 See Enuma Elish VI:5-8; also Kramer, The Sumerians, 123; and

Thorkild Jacobsen, "Mesopotamia," in The Intellectual Adventure of

Ancient Man, ed. H. Frankfort et al. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,

1946; repr. Phoenix Books, 1977), 182, 185.



of the cult and the rituals associated with it.120 Moral evil does not seem to

have been experienced in any way other than when it was reduced to the

"pain of suffering" by the victims.121 In "Man and His God" this seems to be

the case, since the confession of guilt never goes beyond generalization.

The only proper recourse the supplicant had "was not to argue and

complain in the face of seemingly unjustifiable misfortune, but to plead and

wail, lament and confess, his inevitable sins and failings."122 A pointed

statement in this regard is found in lines 102-103 of the poem:

          Never has a sinless child been born to its mother,

          .... a sinless workman(?) has not existed from of old.

This belief in original sin123 provided a solution to the problem of suffering

without challenging the justice of the gods, thus removing this poem from

the ranks of theodicy.124 W. G. Lambert has recently stated that in his view

"Man and His God" should not be considered part of the wisdom literature


          120 Some see the Mesopotamian idea of sin tied very strongly to ritual

offenses, see G. R. Driver, "The Psalms in Light of Babylonian Research,"

in The Psalmists, ed. D. C. Simpson (London: Oxford University Press,

1926), 136; while more recently, others have pointed out the exceptions to

this, e. g. Saggs, Encounter, 117.

          121 Jean Bottero, "The Problem of Evil in Mesopotamian Mythology

and Theology," in Mythologies, ed. Y. Bonnefoy, rev. W. Doniger, 2 vols.

(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), 1.162.

          122 Kramer, The Sumerians, 125-126.

          123 Saggs, Encounter, 115.

          124 Von Soden, "Das Fragen," 46. Mattingly, "The Pious Sufferer,"

312-313, seeks to retain this document as a theodicy by arguing for a

limitation of power on the part of a god and a new definition of theodicy,

which is related to an explanation of suffering, apparently with or without

reference to a divine being.



genre because the Sumerian sufferer confessed sins while asking for

release from his sufferings, apparently in the belief that this was more a

confession than a struggle over philosophical questions regarding evil and

the innocent, since it never questions divine justice.125 To put it bluntly,

since there are none without guilt there is no such thing as an innocent

sufferer, only an ignorant one.

          Apparently belief in mankind's inherent sinfulness was justification

enough to account for the misfortunes and sickness the penitent in this

poem begged to have relieved. The belief in allgemeine menschliche Sund-

haftigkeit negated any objections a human might raise.126 The attitude of

the ancient Mesopotamians of "guilty as charged" had the disadvantage of

not knowing what the charge was. Supplicants were forced to throw them-

selves on the mercy of the gods hoping to gain a positive hearing, since the

will of the gods was often inscrutable.127

                    b. Letter-Prayers128

                              This type of letter had been previously referred to

as "letters of petition" by F. Ali or “Gottesbrief” by A. Falkenstein.129 Hallo


          125 W G. Lambert, "Some New Babylonian Wisdom Literature," in

Wisdom in Ancient Israel, ed. J. Day, R. P. Gordon, and H. G. M. William-

son (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 30-31.

          126 Hans-Peter Muller., "Keilschriftliche Parallelen zum Biblischer

Hiobbuch: Moglichkeit und Grenze des Vergleichs," Or 47 (1978): 369.

          127 This is a brief statement of a more complex situation, see Kramer,

The Sumerians, 126; and in more detail, Mattingly, "The Pious Sufferer,"


          128 This genre of literature was so named by W. W. Hallo, "Individual

Prayer in Sumerian: The Continuity of a Tradition," JAOS 88 (1968): 76.

          129 See Hallo, "Individual Prayer in Sumerian," 76, n. 32.



suggested letter-prayers for this genre since the term seemed "preferable"

to Ali's suggestion and Falkenstein's was "difficult to translate."130 He also

points out that the letters are not always addressed to a god, but might also

be addressed to the king, one of the king's servants, or a deified king who

was deceased but addressed as "my god." Two letter-prayers are addressed

to private individuals, or at most to officials.131

          In the view of the Mesopotamians, if a personal god was angry with

an individual, a sacrifice and the appropriate ritual was necessary to

appease the divine anger. Sacrifices were carried out in the various tem-

ples dedicated to the gods. But what if, as Jacobsen asks, the god is not

present when the supplicant presents a sacrifice to appease the god's

anger? Or what if the person is too sick to travel to the temple to present

prayers and sacrifices?132 The answer was to send a letter to the god which

was placed near the statue of the deity, relieving the supplicant of the need

to appear personally before the god.133

          Many of these letters have been recovered and they essentially follow

a similar pattern. They begin with a salutation to the divine addressee

followed by the message and a conclusion. The body of the letter has no

recognizable structural divisions but most of the contents express com-

plaints, protests, prayers and formal reinforcements of the appeal, though


          130 Hallo, "Individual Prayer in Sumerian," 76-77.

          131 Hallo, "Individual Prayer in Sumerian," 77.

          132 Jacobsen, "Mesopotamia," 205.

          133 These prayers were originally inscribed on a valuable object

belonging to the worshipper, but economic factors eventually led to the

development of this literary genre, and letters were deposited, rather than

inscribed objects, according to Hallo, "Individual Prayer in Sumerian," 75.


not always in this order.134

          One of the longest of these letters is one addressed to Enki, the

personal god of a scribe by the name of Sin-gamubi, son of Ur-Nim.135 He

complains of attacks by a hostile deity (line 15) despite his loyalty and proper

observance of the offerings at the festivals "to which I go regularly" (lines

11-12). Although there is no question of his guilt (line 17), no omen has

revealed the specific nature of his offense (line 14). Following a long list of

complaints regarding his physical condition and treatment by contempo-

raries he promises to dwell in the "gate of Guilt-Absolved," sing praises and

proclaim the god's exaltation (lines 46-56) when the sin is cleansed.

          As in the poem "Man and His God," there is no specific sin referred

to, only a conviction on the part of the penitent worshipper that he was

guilty. At worst, the blame is placed on a hostile deity for the illness and

the supplicant pleads for his personal god to intervene.

          One might also enlist the aid of a more powerful god:


          To the god my father speak; thus says Apil-Adad, your servant:

          "Why have you neglected me (so)?

          Who is going to give you one who can take my place?

          Write to the god Marduk, who is fond of you,

          That he may break my bondage;

          Then I shall see your face and kiss your feet!

          Consider also my family, grownups and little ones;

          Have mercy on me for their sakes, and let your help reach me."136



          134 Hallo, "Individual Prayer in Sumerian," 76-77.

          135 Hallo, "Individual Prayer in Sumerian," 85, lines 1, 8.

          136 Marten Stol, Altbabvlonische Briefe im Umschrift und Uber-

setzung, Heft 9 (Leiden: Brill, 1981), 141; Jacobsen, "Mesopotamia," 205-206.



Apil-Adad calls on his personal god to act on his behalf since mankind

exists to serve the gods. The logic is impeccable. If the personal god allows

Apil-Adad to remain indisposed for an extended period, or to die, then there

will be one less person to serve the needs of the personal god. Along with

this there is also the pleading for the personal god to consider the needs of

the worshipper as well. He points out all the other members of his family

who depend on him. The case is argued that a failure on the part of the

gods to restore this man to health will have dire consequences not only on

the man's family but on the gods themselves. This "spiritual arm-twisting"

is a typical example of the manipulations attempted in Mesopotamian

literature to cajole or convince a god to act on behalf of a person.

          To sum up, in the traditional definitions of theodicy137 one seeks to

justify the ways of God (or a god) when faced with suffering that is seem-

ingly undeserved. It is an attempt to remove the contradictions in a theo-

logical system that holds to a doctrine of a benevolent deity and acknow-

ledges the possibility of undeserved suffering. In my view the claim of

Mattingly that "Man and His God" should retain the classification of theo-

dicy fails to convince, since the Mesopotamian gods were not seen as "holy"

in the same way Israel viewed Yahweh, nor is there a claim to innocence

by Mesopotamians when faced with misfortunes and/or sickness. The very

opposite almost always holds true. Guilt is assumed, and the prayers are

characterized by the confession of sin and guilt in a "shotgun blast"

approach. This method seeks to cover all aspects or possibilities by making


          137 See Mattingly's discussion in "The Pious Sufferer," 311-312.



the confessions in the most generalized terms, since humans are seen as

inherently sinful. This is validated by the world view held by the Mesopota-

mians which was strongly tied to the act-consequence relationship.

                    2. Akkadian Literature

                              The main point of the study here is to get an idea of the

content of four representative literary pieces, so the analysis may not delve

as deep into all the issues as one might like.

                          a. The Pious Sufferer

                              This text is stored in the Louvre, where it is desig-

nated AO 4462.138 It was published by Jean Nougayrol in 1952 and dates

from the seventeenth or sixteenth century.139

          After the introduction (lines 1-11) the suffering one speaks, addres-

sing his master, saying that his affliction is due to no known sin:

          Maitre, j'ai bien reflechi en moi-meme:

          ... de faute voluntaire,

          Et de faute involuntaire commise par lui, je n'(en) connais pas!140

The speaker in this text is obviously questioning the traditional position of

the Mesopotamians, that of a strict doctrine of retribution for sin. At this

point there is doubt expressed over the justice of the way the supplicant is

being treated by the god. However, as Lambert points out, this could be an

admission of sin, not a denial of it.141 If Lambert's view is correct the


          138 Mattingly, "The Pious Sufferer," 319.

          139 Jean Nougayrol, "Une version du ‘Juste Souffrant,’" RB 59 (1952):


          140 Nougayrol, "Une version," 243, lines 12-13.

          141 BWL, 11, n. 1. He suggests reading line 14: u! - [ka-ab-bi-i]s!



petitioner here may be ignorant but not innocent, since the second strophe

goes on to say:

          Mais, moi, j'accepte ton courroux,

          (Sa) suite funeste, je la prend a mon compte.

The difference between an innocent sufferer and an ignorant one is subtle

but important in the Mesopotamian view of the subject. At the end of the

document the petitioner is directed to do charitable deeds, which could be

interpreted as a penance (lines 62-65).

          In stanza 8 the response of the god to the sufferer is found:

          Thy demarche is worthy of a man. Thy heart is innocent.

          The years are fulfilled, the days have redeemed thy suffering.

          Hadst thou not been called to life, how wouldst thou have come to the

                    end of this serious illness?

          Thou hast known anguish, fear in its full extent.

          Until the end hast thou borne thy heavy load.

          The way was blocked; it is open to thee.

          The road is levelled; grace is granted to thee.

          In the future forget not thy god,

          Thy creator when thou hast received thy health.142

          Seeing that the god apparently declared the suffering one innocent as

well as giving a warning to pay more careful attention to the god, it appears

there was confusion over the doctrine of retribution, or as Mattingly says,

"the traditional theodicy is not without its flaws."143


an-zi-il-la-ka a-na[ku i]k-ki-ba-am li-im-na-ma am-x [x] x x x x ("I have

trespassed against you, I have . . . . a wicked abomination").

          142 Gray, "Book of Job," 259. Cf. Nougayrol, "Une version," 247.

          143 "The Pious Sufferer," 320.



          Questions may also arise over the translation of the first line in the

previous quote. Gray has translated the Akkadian li-ib-bu-uk la i-li-im-

mi-in "Thy heart is innocent." But lemenu means "to fall into misfortune,

to come upon bad times, to turn into evil," and with libbu as subject, "to

become angry."144 If this is correct I would suggest translating this phrase

"your heart should/must not become angry," making this an admonition

against anger rather than a verdict of innocence.

          The author has expressed ignorance of his offense, yet counted on the

good will of the god to relieve his suffering. In spite of being left in the dark

regarding his sins, the author continues to hold to the doctrine of retribu-

tion, essentially seeing piety (probably understood as ritual observance) as

the best way to counteract or prevent calamities.

                    b. Ludlul Bel Nemeqi

                              This poem's title comes from its opening line

which is usually translated "I Will Praise the Lord of Wisdom," the lord of

wisdom being Marduk.145 It has also been called the "Poem of the Right-

eous Sufferer" and "The Babylonian Job"146 although any comparison with

the book of Job fails to appreciate the depth of the problem of suffering in

Job, where no definite answer is given.147


          144 CAD, vol. 9 (1973), 117.

          145 Lambert, BWL, 21-28; ANET, 434-437, 596-600.

          146 Mattingly, "The Pious Sufferer," 321.

          147 R. E. Murphy, The Tree of Life: An Exploration of Biblical Wisdom

Literature (New York: Doubleday, 1990), 156, criticizing the position taken

by H. Gese, Lehre und Wirklichkeit in der alten Weisheit (Tubingen: J. C.

B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1958), 63. M. Weinfeld claims "Man and His God"

and Ludlul Bel Nemeqi have more in common with thanksgiving psalms

than with Job, see his "Job and its Mesopotamian Parallels--a Typological



          There is also a difference between the Akkadian nemequ and the

Hebrew hmAk;HA. The Akkadian word denotes possession of skill for the

performance of an occupation, as does the Hebrew. However, nemequ is

associated frequently with magic rites, incantations, and spells, and rarely

used with reference to morals.148 In Hebrew, hmAk;HA is seen as skill in an

occupation (e. g., Bezalel, Exod 31:1-3), just as the Babylonian ummanu

refers to manual skills and intellectual talent.149 The Hebrew term is

unique in that duties to God in a moral or ethical sense are emphasized

over the observance of ritual, cult magic, incantations or spells, as is the

case for nemequ. Lambert calls hmAk;HA a "philosophy of life" and cites only a

single passage where nemequ is used with this connotation.150

          The poem consists of a long monologue written on four tablets over

400 lines in length, dating from the Kassite period (c. 1500-1100 B. C.).151 In

this monologue a man of affluence and authority named Subsi-megre-

Sakkan (which means "O-god-Sakkan-provide-me-with-abundance"152)


Analysis" in Text and Context: Old Testament and Semitic Studies for F. C.

Fensham, JSOTSS 48, ed. W. Claasen (Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1988), 217.

          148 Thus Lambert, BWL, 1; and "Some New Babylonian Wisdom Liter-

ature," 32; cf. L. Kalugila, The Wise King (Uppsala: CWK, 1980), who dis-

cusses the vocabulary of Sumerian and Akkadian expressions for wisdom

(38-39) and cites passages from Enuma Elish showing Marduk's tie to

incantations, spells, and cult magic (43-45).

          149 Lambert, "Some New Babylonian Wisdom Literature," 30.

          150 "Some New Babylonian Wisdom Literature," 31. The passage

occurs in the incantation series Surpu II:173: "Siduri...goddess of wisdom"

(distar(15) ni-me-qi), see Erica Reiner, Surpu: A Collection of Sumerian

and Akkadian Incantations AfO 11 (1958): 18.

          151 Lambert, BWL, 15; Mattingly, "The Pious Sufferer," 321.

          152 Bottero, "Problem of Evil," 1.167, although he transliterates Sakkan




relates how he suffered numerous afflictions and was eventually restored to

health and prosperity by Marduk.153

          An outline of the poem is as follows: (1) introduction, (2) desertion by

the gods, (3) forsaken by friends and acquaintances, (4) failure of all

attempts to appease the gods; suffering only increases, (5) the promise of

deliverance through three dreams, and (6) restoration to health and


          Frustration over unresponsive deities and the inability of diviners

and priests to determine the cause of the problem was the lot of this

suffering soul:

          I called to my god, but he did not show his face,

          I prayed to my goddess, but she did not raise her head.

          The diviner with his inspection has not got to the root of the matter,

          Nor has the dream priest with his libation elucidated my case.

          I sought the favour of the zaqiqu-spirit, but he did not enlighten me;

          And the incantation priest with his ritual did not appease the divine

                    wrath against me.155

          The afflicted sufferer complains that his misfortunes have struck

even though he has not been lax in cultic responsibilities:


with only one "k."

          153 Lambert, BWL, 21.

          154 Cf. Walton, Ancient Israelite Literature, 171; and Lambert, BWL,

21. A text published by D. J. Wiseman has been identified as the first tablet

of the poem, see "A New Text of the Babylonian Poem of the Righteous

Sufferer," AnSt 30 (1980): 101-107; see also W. L. Moran, "Notes on the

Hymn to Marduk in Ludlul Bel Nemeqi," JAOS 101 (1983): 255-260.

          155 See BWL, 39, tablet II:4-9; cf. also II:108-113.



          For myself, I gave attention to supplication and prayer;

          To me prayer was discretion, sacrifice my rule.

          The day for reverencing the god was a joy to my heart;

          The day of the goddess's procession was profit and gain to me.

          The king's prayer--that was my joy.

          And the accompanying music became a delight for me.

          I instructed my land to keep the god's rites,

          And provoked my people to value the goddess's name.156

          Subsi-mesre-Sakkan's confusion led him to conclude in II:33-38 that

human values and divine values seem inverted, and that the ways of the

gods are beyond human ability to determine:

          I wish I knew that these things would be pleasing to one's god!

          What is good for oneself may be offensive to one's god.

          What in one's own heart seems despicable may be proper to one's


          Who can know the will of the gods in heaven? Who can understand

                    the plans of the underworld gods?

          Where have humans learned the way of a god?157

          This apparently innocent sufferer had found no comfort in his reli-

gion, and may be covertly blaming Marduk for his suffering, though he

approaches this with great delicacy and avoids any open accusations.158

The gods were unresponsive, the diviners and priests were unable to

determine the cause of his calamities and he had no assurance that

observing the cult actually led to reward and prosperity from the gods. This

complaint is followed by a series of statements on the very uncertain nature


          156 See BWL, 39, 41, tablet II:23-30.

          157 ANET, 597.

          158 Lambert expresses this view in "Some New Babylonian Wisdom

Literature," 32-34.


of human existence (II:39-47) and the speaker confesses ignorance of the

meaning of it all:

          I am appalled at these things; I do not understand their


The problem is seemingly relieved in a series of three dreams,

following which the illness is taken away and the misfortunes are reversed.

Unfortunately the tablet is broken at the very point at which the sufferer's

infractions were revealed (III:55-60). In Lambert's translation160 only line

60 is still intact:

          He made the wind bear away my offenses.

However, line 58 has been reconstructed to read:

          It has become patent to me, my punishment, my crime, (to wit) that I

                    did not revere her (the goddess's) fame.161

This reconstructed line shows that the speaker did not consider himself an

innocent sufferer, only a previously ignorant one. He cites his failure to

give proper respect to a goddess as one of the reasons for his calamities. If

the surrounding text could be reconstructed it would become clear just

what caused the god and goddess to send the misfortunes upon Subsi-

mesre-Sakkan. Presuming that line 58 would be in synonymous parallel-

ism with line 57 one can posit another similar statement of wrongdoing


          159 BWL, 41, II:48. See also the discussion in Lambert, BWL, 22.

          160 BWL, 51.

          161 CAD, vol. 4 (1958), 170: i-pi-a-an-ni in-nin-ti(!) ar-ni la aduru



cited as further cause for the misfortunes.162

                    c. R.S. 25.460

                              This relatively short (46 lines) Akkadian text was

discovered at Ras Shamra and published in 1968.163 It dates from c. 1300

but its archaisms push it back as early as the Old Babylonian or early

Kassite periods, in terms of original composition.164 The author of this text

does not grapple with the reasons behind the suffering.165 In fact, the

opening lines (1-8) indicate that no method of inquiry had been able to

produce an answer.166 With support from family and friends, the sufferer

was encouraged to depend on the mercy of Marduk, since this situation was

known to have occurred before (lines 9-24). In the closing lines the sufferer

launched into praises for Marduk (lines 25-46).

          The similarities to Ludlul Bel Nimeqi and the appearance of an

Akkadian text at Ugarit demonstrate contact between Babylon and the


          162 Synonymous parallelism is displayed in III:50-51, the closest

complete lines in the surviving texts and throughout the poem. This is in

no way a conclusive argument but it certainly leaves open the possibility,

even the likelihood, of a parallel statement.

          163 J. Nougayrol, "(Juste) Souffrant (R.S. 25.460)," Ug 5 (1968): 265-273.

          164 "Le texte d'Ugarit date de ca.1300, mais sa graphie, ses archais-

mes, son style depouille, sa concision meme (en face de Ludlul), lui

assignent vraisemblablement une date de composition paleobabylonienne

ou de plus haute epoque ‘cassite,’" "(Juste) Souffrant," 267. See also H.-P.

Muller, Das Hiobproblem: Seine Stellung und Entstehung in Alten Orient

und im Alten Testament (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft,

1978), 56; and Mattingly, "The Pious Sufferer," 324.

          165 W von Soden, "Bemerkungen zu Einigen Literarischen Texten in

Akkadischen Sprache aus Ugarit," UF 1 (1969): 191.

          166 The text refers to oracles (line 2), haruspicy (3), omens (5), and

oneiromancy (6), see Nougayrol, "(Juste) Souffrant," 268.


Levant.167 Here, as in other literary pieces, the innocent sufferer seeks a

resolution to his problems from within the religious system, rather than

questioning its validity or seeking answers elsewhere.

                    d. Babylonian Theodicy

                              This work is structured as an elaborate acrostic of

27 stanzas, eleven lines each.168 It is one of the most developed and

skeptical cuneiform texts concerned with divine justice and human suffer-

ing.169 Lambert says this poem was probably written about 1000 B. C.,

although von Soden gives a date of about two centuries later.170

          The author of the poem is identified by the acrostic which translates,

"I Saggil-kinam-ubbib, the incantation priest, am adorant of the god and

the king."171 The work consists of a dialogue between an unnamed skeptic

and a more pious friend.

          As the acrostic unfolds the skeptic recites all the injustices and diffi-

culties he has experienced, beginning with being orphaned at a young age

(lines 9-11), resulting in poor health and destitute conditions (lines 27-33).


          167 Gray, "Book of Job," 262. Nougayrol, "(Juste) Souffrant," 267,

speaks of the possibility of a common source behind Ludlul and R.S. 25.460:

"Dann 1'etat actuel de nos connaissances, mieux vaut nous en tenir a

1'hypothese d'une source ancienne commune a 25.460 et a Ludlul, et

renfermant deja tous les elements dont nous avons souligne la presence

dans ces deux textes a la fois."

          168 Lambert, BWL, 63. For the text see BWL, 70-91; ANET, 601-604.

          169 Mattingly, "The Pious Sufferer," 325.

          170 Lambert, BWL, 63; W. von Soden, "Das Fragen," 51-52. For a quick

overview of the entire poem, see Lambert, BWL, 64-65.

          171 Lambert, BWL, 63: a-na-ku sa-ag-gi-il-ki-[i-na-am-u]b-bi-ib ma-

as-ma-su ka-ri-bu sa i-li u sar-ri.



The pious friend recites what appears to be a proverb of conventional


          n[a]-til pa-an ilim-ma ra-si la-mas-[sal

          n[a]-ak-di pa-li-ih distar(15) u-kam-mar tuh-[da].


          He who waits on his god has a protecting angel,

          The humble man who fears his goddess accumulates wealth.172

          The sufferer then points out examples which call into question the

supposed connection between piety and divine reward (lines 48-53), and

claims he has not failed to observe the required rituals, which should, by

implication, ward off all the calamities he has endured (lines 54-55). The

friend responds with his dogma that can be summed up as "piety pays."173

The examples cited by the sufferer--the wild ass who tramples the grain,

the lion who attacks livestock and the human profiteer--will all pay the

penalty for their crimes in due time (lines 59-64).174 Holding his ground,

the sufferer stubbornly says:

          Those who neglect the god go the way of prosperity,

          While those who pray to the goddess are impoverished and


          In my youth I sought the will of the god;

          With prostration and prayer I followed my goddess.


          172 BWL, 70, lines 21-22. Line 21 may be translated "he who waits on

his god has good fortune," a parallel statement to line 22. See Jacobsen,

Treasures of Darkness, 155-156; and Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia,

198-206, for general discussions of the relationship between individuals and

protective spirits, including the terms ilu, istaru, lamassu, and se'du,

even though the latter term does not occur here.

          173 Lambert, "Some New Babylonian Wisdom Literature," 35-36.

          174 Cf. Saggs, Encounter, 119.


          But I was bearing a profitless corvee as a yoke.

          My god decreed instead of wealth destitution.175

The element of prosperity coming to the wicked is an item that has

not been mentioned in any work we have examined previously,176 but seems

to be one of the most irritating issues to the sufferer in the Babylonian

Theodicy.177 It seems that the prosperity of the wicked, more than the

suffering of the (apparently) righteous, made the problem so acute. While

no one could be sure that an outwardly good person had not secretly or

unknowingly offended a god, one could hardly doubt that an obviously bad

person deserved punishment.178

          The friend responded with the pious-sounding observation that the

ways of the gods are unknowable:

          The plans of the gods are as [inscrutable(?)] as the midst of the


          The utterance of the god or goddess is not comprehended.179

          The divine mind is remote like the inmost of the heavens,

          Knowledge of it is arduous, people are uninformed).180

          The frustration of the sufferer must have been aggravated by the fact

that he was an incantation priest, i. e., a religious professional. If anyone


          175 Lines 70-75, BWL, 76-77.

          176 R. J. Williams, "Theodicy in the Ancient Near East," in Theodicy

in the Old Testament, ed. J. L. Crenshaw (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1983), 46.

          177 Saggs, Encounter, 119.

          178 Saggs, Encounter, 119-120. Similar issues confronted the writers

of Pss 37, 49 and 73 as well as the book of Job.

          179 Williams, "Theodicy," 46; cf. lines 82-83, BWL, 76-77.

          180 Jacobsen, Treasures of Darkness, 162; cf. lines 256-257, BWL, 86-



should have had an idea of how to reverse suffering, calamities and diffi-

cult circumstances it should have been him, or his associates.

          The conclusion reached by the friend is that the evil experienced by

humankind is not directly due to the injustice of the gods, but to the sin of

each individual. When the gods created humanity they

          Gave perverse speech to the human race.

          With lies, and not truth, they endowed them for ever.181

          In other words, whatever evil is done by individuals is done because

the gods made them that way. Both sufferer and friend began by assuming

that the gods were responsible for maintaining justice among humans.

They ended up by admitting that these very gods made people prone to


          The poem ends with the sufferer thanking his friend for his sym-

pathy and with a plea to the personal god and goddess to give help and to

show mercy, as well as a call for Shamash to guide him.183 The problem is

never solved--at least, not in this text. Whether the deities this man called

on ever responded is not known.

          The speakers in this poem had to content themselves with the


          181 Lines 279-280, BWL, 88-89; cf. Saggs, Encounter, 120.

          182 Lambert, BWL, 65. This quote contains an idea very similar to the

statement found in the Sumerian "Man and His God" quoted above: "Never

has a sinless child been born to its mother, .... a sinless workman(?) has

not existed from of old." See Kramer, "Man and His God," lines 102-103.

          183 Lines 295-297, BWL, 88-89. Shamash is called a shepherd, show-

ing a positive view of the god, or it may be an ingratiating statement

designed to coax the god into helping him.




conclusion that the righteous person simply did not exist. The justice of the

gods was not at issue, since the ways of the gods were unknowable, thus it

was useless to question them. For this reason I question the appropriate-

ness of the commonly used title of the poem. The issue of theodicy does not

arise in the so-called Babylonian Theodicy.

                    e. The Poem of Erra

                              This little-known poem has received only slight

attention from the scholarly world because of its relatively recent recovery

and collation of many of its text fragments.184 However, Erra was

apparently very popular in Mesopotamia, judging by its diffusion over a

large geographical area during the first millennium.185

          The basic story-line is that humans had offended several gods, in-

cluding Erra, Marduk, the Sebetti 186 and the Anunnaki.187 The offenses


          184 L. Cagni, Das Erra-Epos: Kleinschrifttext (Rome: Pontifical Bibli-

cal Institute, 1970); idem, The Poem of Erra (Malibu, CA: Undena, 1977).

Previous texts were either incomplete or incompetently handled, see Daniel

Bodi, The Book of Ezekiel and the Poem of Erra, OBO 104 (Gottingen: Van-

denhoeck & Ruprecht, 1991), 13, n. 11.

          185 Jacobsen, Treasures of Darkness, 227; Bodi, Ezekiel and Erra, 52.

For issues of introduction see Bodi's discussion on pp. 54-62.

          186 The Sebetti were seven wicked gods without individual names.

They acted as a unit, even to the point of being treated grammatically in the

singular. Their cult was widespread in the latter half of the first millen-

nium. In the Erra poem they are exclusively evil, as opposed to Erra and

Ishum who reconstruct the country in the last tablet of the story, see Cagni,

Poem of Erra, 18-19.

          187 Anunnaki is a Sumerian loanword meaning "the princely seed,"

see Bodi, Ezekiel and Erra, 65, n. 57. For a list of Sumerian evidence for

these gods see A. Falkenstein, "Die Anunna in der sumerische Uber-

lieferung," in Studies in Honor of Benno Landsberger on his 75th Birthday,

ed. H. Guterbock and T. Jacobsen (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,



included contempt (I.120-121), disrespect (I.122), and cultic offenses such as

neglecting the proper care of Marduk's statue (I.127-128). Even animals

were holding gods in contempt (I.77) and trampling and destroying the

pastureland which sustained the country (I.83-86). The Anunnaki were

deprived of sleep (I.81-82) because of the noise made by mankind, which

may be an echo of a similar motif in the Atrahasis epic (see above). In the

underworld there is a taboo of silence. Breaking the silence makes it im-

possible for a mortal to return to the earth unless another person or a god


          Apparently the gods believed that the increase in the number of

humans and the resultant noise posed a direct threat to the gods, that they

would be overwhelmed (I.79). Erra mentioned the "former sin" committed

by humans (V.6), no doubt referring to the contempt humans showed Erra

(cf. I.120-122).189

          Stirring up rebellion and war, society was devastated but an assis-

tant, Ishum, interceded on behalf of humanity and was able to calm Erra

down before all of humanity was killed. Ishum then confronted Erra with

his indiscriminate killing of both the guilty and innocent:

          quradu dErra kinamma tustamit

          la kinamma tustamit


1965), 127-140. for evidence in Akkadian literature see in the same volume

B. Kienast, "Igigu and Anunnaki nach den akkadischen Quellen," 141-158.

          188 Note Gilgamesh XII.23, 28; and cf. S. N. Kramer, "Death and the

Nether World According to the Sumerian Literary Texts," Iraq 22 (1960): 59-


          189 Bodi, Ezekiel and Erra, 66.



          sa ihtukama tustamit

          sa la ihtukama tustamit


          Hero Erra, you killed the righteous one.

          You killed the unrighteous one.

          You killed the one who had sinned against you.

          You killed the one who did not sin against you.190

Thus humans were punished because of sin (hitu) against Erra. The

expression "to sin against (a deity)" is similar to the numerous examples in

Akkadian literature where in legal contexts it refers to an offense against

the suzerain, breaking a treaty or covenant, or failing to keep an obliga-

tion.191 Humans were punished for offending the gods, thus the "din" or

"noise" made by humans is also a crime deserving of punishment.192 After

Ishum confronted Erra with killing the innocent, Erra decreed that

Akkad's enemies would be defeated (IV.128-150), Ishum was honored (V.1-

19), and commissioned to rebuild and restore the city (V.20-38), and blessing

was promised to those who honored the poem (V.39-61).

          One of the unique features of the Poem of Erra is that innocent deaths

and the suffering of the righteous are tied directly to one of the gods. To the

best of my knowledge this is the only admission by Mesopotamian writers

that the concept of an innocent or righteous sufferer existed in relation to

the gods. The social implications of this are far-reaching. The brutaliza-

tion of life in the first millennium led to the portrayal of gods as bloodthirsty


          190 IV 104-107; see Bodi, Ezekiel and Erra, 68; Cagni, Poem of Erra,


          191 Bodi, Ezekiel and Erra, 68.

          192 Cf. A. Kilmer, "Mesopotamian Concept of Overpopulation"; and

Both, Ezekiel and Erra, 131-155.



killers, with the gods now being made in the image of man in a warlike

society.193 The evolution of the gods from warrior kings in the third millen-

nium with the image of a protector and ruler to the parental figures of the

second millennium which allowed worshippers to express a personal rela-

tionship to the divine to the violence and brutality of the gods in the Erra

poem is one of a slow deterioration of Mesopotamian culture into the

warrior societies of the Assyrians and Babylonians.194

          To summarize this section, each of the texts examined from Meso-

potamia has the prevailing attitude that the sufferer can never assume

innocence, only ignorance. Part of the reason for this is that evil was built

into human nature and therefore suffering was to be expected.195 It was

simply part of the normal world order, thus there was no need to question

and complain. The best course of action for the ancient Mesopotamians

was to submit and suffer, and hope that the offended god or goddess would

eventually change the course of events. Since the ways of the deities were

beyond human comprehension, one could never be certain what actions

would bring about divine wrath, but it was virtually always certain that the

fault lay with the human sufferer, not the deity. Simply stated, the result of

this is that all suffering is deserved, and there is no recourse but to admit

one's guilt, praise one's god and plead for mercy.196


          193 Jacobsen, Treasures of Darkness, 227: "[Iit is the divine that con-

forms down to the image rather than the image that rises up to approach

the divine."

          194 Jacobsen, Treasures of Darkness, 231-232.

          195 Bottero, "Problem of Evil," 166.

          196 Pope, Job, 60.



          Even worse, there could be no confidence that one could determine

the specific offense in any given situation. Even if someone kept within the

guidelines of the Surpu incantation list there was no assurance of avoiding

sin, and thereby avoiding the wrath of the gods. Everyone merited punish-

ment. Therefore divine punishment of an apparently good person did not

call into question the justice of the gods.197

          A suffering individual did not disturb the community since national

religion and personal religion were thought to operate in separate spheres.

The individual distress of a person who was enduring illness or misfortune

could be accounted for by those around him on the assumption that this was

a private matter between the individual and the personal god.198

          As it relates to the book of Proverbs, according to many scholars, the

Mesopotamian view of life was shared by the sages who were part of

Israel's wisdom movement. It may be the view Job's counselors held.199

However, as I intend to demonstrate, this is not exactly true for Proverbs.

Rather than accepting a foreign Weltordnung, which has often been the

assumption of past scholarship, the book of Proverbs is grounded in a

distinctive Israelite monotheistic world view and shows an awareness of

the possibility of, and the actual existence of, an innocent sufferer.

          B. Egyptian Literature

                    In Egypt, as in most ancient societies, religion was a domina-


          197 Saggs, Encounter, 117.

          198 Van der Toorn, Sin and Sanction, 114.

          199 According to Mattingly, "The Pious Sufferer," 329ff.



ting force.200 The focal point of Egyptian religion was the pharaoh, who

was viewed as divine and associated with Horus.201 He functioned as the

ultimate high priest, who built temples and saw to their maintenance.202

          Because Egyptian beliefs were never consolidated or systematized

there is no single "Egyptian religion." Beliefs remained fluid, even during

the historical period, and they had no one "sacred book," which makes it

difficult for us to say what was believed by whom.203 It is likely that the

existing texts relate to a small group of the social elite showing little direct

evidence for the beliefs and attitudes of the rest of the people.204 Baines

points out that

          Since in theory the gods provided for all of humanity, and humanity

          responded with gratitude and praise, the cult could be seen as having

          universal implications. In practice, however, the god's benefits were

          unequally divided. The privileged received the rewards of divine

          beneficence and returned gratitude, while the rest suffered

          misfortune in greater measure and had no official channel for

          interacting with deities.205

          The average person came into contact with the deities only when

periodic festivals were observed. The gods were purified, fed, clothed and


          200 Hoffineier, "Egyptians," 283.

          201 Henri Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods (Chicago: University of

Chicago Press, 1948; repr. Phoenix Books, 1978), 15-50.

          202 Hoffmeier, "Egyptians," 283.

          203 David P. Silverman, "Divinity and Deities in Ancient Egypt," in

Religion in Ancient Egypt, ed. Byron E. Shafer (Ithaca: Cornell University

Press, 1991), 12; see also in the same volume John Baines, "Society, Morali-

ty, and Religious Practice," 123.

          204 Baines, "Society," 124.

          205 Baines, "Society," 127.



praised on a daily basis but this was done by the privileged and by those

attached to the temple cult, not the ordinary individual.206

          The king also served as an example of or metaphor for the way others

were to conduct their lives. The king was "on earth for ever and ever,

judging humanity and propitiating the gods, and setting order in place of

disorder. He gives offerings to the gods and mortuary offerings to the

spirits (the blessed dead)."207

          In addition to the king, ma'at was also a very important concept in

Egyptian religion. The meaning of the word incorporates ideas such as

truth, harmony and justice.208 It is the "right" or correct behavior in any

given circumstance.209 Old Kingdom texts speak of "doing ma'at" or

"speaking ma'at," in contrast with the opposites "wrong" and "falsehood,"

giving the clear conclusion that ma'at had the meanings "right" and

"truth" from very ancient times.210 In a quote from an Old Kingdom text


          206 Erik Hornung, Conceptions of God in Ancient Egypt: The One and

the Many, tr. John Baines (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1982), 135-136;

Baines; "Society," 126.

          207 See Jan Assmann, Der Konig als Sonnenpriester: Ein kosmo-

graphischer Begleittext zur kultischen Sonnenhymnik (Gluckstadt:

Augustin, 1970), 17-22; and Baines, "Society," 128. In this quote "order" is

ma'at, a fundamental religious and social concept. "Disorder" is isft, the

opposite of ma'at, which is associated with the world outside creation.

          208 J. D. Ray, "Egyptian Wisdom Literature," in Wisdom in Ancient

Israel, ed. J. Day, R. P. Gordon, and H. G. M. Williamson (Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press, 1995), 20. See also J. Assmann, Ma'at:

Gerechtigkeit and Unsterblichkeit im alten Agvpten (Munich: C. H. Beck,

1990) for a recent detailed study.

          209 G. L. Archer and W. S. La Sor, "Religions of the Biblical World:

Egypt," ISBE, vol. 4 (1988), 107.

          210 Miriam Lichtheim, Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and



(before 2200 B. C.), ma'at is shown to be equated with a universal standard:

          Justice (ma'at) is great, and its appropriateness is lasting; it has not

          been disturbed since the time of him who made it, (whereas) there is

          punishment for him who passes over its laws. It is the (right) path

          before him who knows nothing. Wrongdoing (isft) has never

          brought its undertaking into port.211

Miriam Lichtheim says:

          [M]an did Maat because it was "good" and because "the god desires

          it." It was the principle of right order by which the gods live, and

          which man recognized as needful on earth and incumbent upon


This principle of cosmic dimensions regulated the functioning of nature,

society, and an individual's life. But it was not a mechanical, impersonal

principle. Ma'at essentially meant veracity or fair dealing.213 Ma'at was

personified as the daughter of the sun god and worshipped as a goddess,

having both temple and cult dedicated to her honor.214

          Due to the multiple systems of theology in Egypt it is difficult to

provide a basic background to the discussion as I did for the previous sec-

tion. There were three main systerns215 which presented different cosmo-


Related Studies, OBO 120 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992), 18.

The literature on ma'at is enormous, see W. Helck, "Maat," LA, vol. 3

(1980), 1110-1119; and A. Volten, "Der Begriff der Maat in den agyptischen

Weisheitstexten," in Les Sagesses du Proche-Orient ancien, no ed. (Paris:

Presses Universitaires de France, 1963), 73-101.

211 Lines 85ff., ANET, 412.

212 Lichtheim, Maat, 19.

213 Lichtheim, Maat, 37.

214 Edward F. Wente, "Egyptian Religion," ABD 2.410; Hornung, Con-

ceptions of God, 75.

          215 The centers for these theological systems were based in Heliopolis,



gonies and explanations for creation. Each was characterized by a main

creator deity who generated associated gods and goddesses.216 The enor-

mous time span over which Egyptian literature emerges causes it to show

some variety and change over the centuries. But unlike Hebrew wisdom

literature, Egyptian wisdom writings were never considered sacred.217

Thus we should not expect to see consistency throughout the literature of

Egypt, nor see concepts viewed in the same way in the different theological


          Egyptian deities were portrayed in a large number of forms, ranging

from animal to human, to a combination of both.219 The gods often exhibi-

ted human emotions and engaged in human activity. They thought, spoke,

dined, traveled by boat, had a sense of humor, and some even drank to

excess.220 The gods were created beings, hence not eternal. The Egyptian

calendar contained days set aside to mark birthdays of many of their


a very ancient center for Egyptian religion; Memphis, the capital of united

Egypt during the Old Kingdom period (Dynasties III-VI, 2686-2181); and

Thebes, the capital during the Middle Kingdom (Dynasties XI-XII, 2133-

1786) and the New Kingdom (Dynasties XVIII-)LX, 1552-1070), see Jack

Finegan, Myth and Mystery: An Introduction to the Pagan Religions of the

Biblical World (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1989), 39, 51.

          216 Silverman, "Divinity and Deities," 30. See also in the same volume

Leonard H. Lesko, "Ancient Egyptian Cosmogonies and Cosmology," 88-115,

for a more detailed discussion.

          217 Wente, "Egyptian Religion," 410.

          218 See the comments of Gladson, "Retributive Paradoxes," 80, in this

regard. Despite the different theological systems there was very little

fluctuation in the way ma'at was viewed, see Lichtheim, Maat, 97.

          219 Silverman, "Divinity and Deities," 19-23; see also Finegan, Myth

and Mystery, 43-44.

          220 Silverman, "Divinity and Deities," 15-16.



gods.221 The gods were also subject to death and rebirth, though not always

in the mortal sense.222 Some texts mention a limited and fixed lifespan for

deities, and the story of "The Blinding of Truth by Falsehood" refers to "the

god's tomb."223 The resurrection of Osiris is mentioned frequently in the

Coffin Texts,224 and Re, the king of the gods, was said to die symbolically

every sunset and to be reborn at dawn the next day.225

          Since the gods participated in the afterlife it was only natural to see

this as a precedent for human existence as well.226 At first, only the king

and society's elite were mummified but after the Old Kingdom this privilege

was extended to others.227 It is this preoccupation with life or existence

after death that provides the most insight into the Egyptian view of suffer-

ing, as we will see below.


          221 Peter Kaplony, "Geburtstage (Gotter)," LA, vol. 2 (1977), 477-479.

          222 Silverman, "Divinity and Deities," 29; cf. Wente, "Egyptian Reli-

gion," 410.

          223 Siegfried Morenz, Egyptian Religion, tr. A. Keep (Ithaca: Cornell

University Press, 1973), 24-25; Hornung, Conceptions of God, 151-165.

          224 Hornung, Conceptions of God, 152-153; e. g., Coffin Text spells 16,

17 and 148 in Adriaan de Buck, The Egyptian Coffin Texts, 7 vols. (Chicago:

University of Chicago Press, 1935-1961), vol. 1 (1935), 47-53; and vol. 2 (1938),


          225 Silverman, "Divinity and Deities," 29; Finegan, Myth and Mystery,


          226 Wente, "Egyptian Religion," 411.

          227 See R. B. Finnestad, "The Pharaoh and the ‘Democratization’ of

Post-mortem Life," in The Religion of the Ancient Egyptians: Cognitive

Structures and Popular Expressions, ed. G. Englund (Uppsala: Acta Uni-

versitatis Upsaliensis, 1989), 89-93; and in the same volume, J. P. Sorensen,

"Divine Access: The So-called Democratization of Egyptian Funerary

Literature as a Socio-cultural Process," 109-123.



          As for the practice of the medical arts in ancient Egypt, there is

ample evidence of physicians who based their practice on empirico-

scientific principles as far back as the Old Kingdom.228 They show an

advanced level of knowledge regarding human anatomy, and in some cases

are surprisingly devoid of magic or religious jargon.229 This is in contrast

to Mesopotamian medicine, which seems to have been based more on

superstition than science.230

                    1. The Absence of Theodicy in Egypt

                              The gods are rarely blamed or questioned for the up-

heavals in human society.231 In Egypt the notion of evil overlapped to a

great extent with that of disorder.232 This served to promote a "don't-rock-

the-boat" attitude, and kept the ruling group in power.

          In a Middle Kingdom text there is an apologia of the creator god, who

distances himself from human wrongdoing, saying:


          228 See Brown, Israel's Divine Healer, 41-42, and his attending biblio-


          229 Brown, Israel's Divine Healer, 41-42. This is not to say that no

magical rites were practiced, see J. F. Borghouts, Ancient Egyptian Magi-

cal Texts (Leiden: Brill, 1978); and R. K. Ritner, The Mechanics of Ancient

Egyptian Magical Practice (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1992).

          230 According to Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia, 224, who ob-

served that prescribed medical treatment occurs rarely and is not medical

but magical. The names of diseases are not medical but usually point to the

deity or demon that caused them.

          231 Williams, "Theodicy," 47.

          232 Baines, "Society," 163; and Reinhard Grieshammer, "Gott and das

Negative nach Quellen der agyptischen spatzeit," in Aspekte der spat-

ag Dischen Religion, ed. W. Westdorf (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1979) 79-




          I made every man like his fellow.

          I did not ordain that they do wrong (isft, "disorder").

          It was their desires that damaged what I had said.233

          The last line speaks of the damage to the created world (brought into

existence by the creative word of the god?) caused by the desires of

humanity. As Baines succinctly says:

          The creator is not responsible for the origin of evil. He cares so much

          for people's well-being that "he has built himself a shrine around

          them; when they weep he hears" (l. 135). This image of tears relates

          to the origin of human beings. A wordplay found in the creator's

          apologia and in other sources says that people arose from the

          creator's tears--an indirect statement that they are born to suffer.234

          This is quite similar to the Mesopotamian view in that there was a

divine order that regulated society and individual lives (Mesopotamia, me;

Egypt, ma'at) and neither society made blatant accusations of divine injus-

tice, or attributed evil to the gods. Any suggestion of injustice done by a

deity was done so only with the greatest caution and circumspection.

                    2. Suffering is Due to Perversion of Ma'at

                              Where did evil arise in the Egyptian world view? Part of

the answer has already been referred to--the presence of isft, "disorder."

But there is also a more direct source, that of humans themselves. Some of

the texts quoted above have hinted at this. In virtually all of the, wisdom or

reflective texts human suffering is viewed as a result of the perversion of


          233 De Buck, Coffin Texts, vol. 7 (1961), 464a-b. Cf. R. B. Parkinson,

Voices From Ancient Egypt (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991),

32-34; and M. Lichtheim, AEL, vol. 1 (1973), 131-133.

          234 Baines, "Society," 163-164; see de Buck, Coffin Texts, vol. 7 (1961),

465a, and Hornung, Conceptions of God, 149-150.



ma'at by humans.235

          In this part of the study four documents will be examined with

reference to these issues. Though the study will not be detailed, it is

intended to show that the source of evil and suffering almost always lay

with humanity's failure to live up to the standards of ma'at, thus placing

the blame on mankind and removing it from the gods.

                    a. Admonitions of Ipuwer

                              This work is usually placed in the category of

instruction (Egyptian, sbayt236), although Williams discusses it under the

category of speculative works.237 The beginning of this work is lost, and

with it, the setting.

          In its present form, which is no earlier than the late Thirteenth

Dynasty, the text is in two parts. The main body was probably produced

between 2180-2130 B. C.238 The second part is a dialogue between Ipuwer, a

sage, and the creator god.239

          Though the situation presented in this text is not considered histori-


          235 Williams, "Theodicy," 47.

          236 Ray, "Egyptian Wisdom Literature," 18, says the root meaning of

the word is closer to "enlightenment."

          237 Ronald J. Williams,, "Egyptian Literature (Wisdom)," ABD, 2.397,

as does Nili Shupak, "The ‘Sitz im Leben’ of the Book of Proverbs in the

Light of a Comparison of Biblical and Egyptian Wisdom Literature," RB 94

(1987): 99-100, n. 2. She says sbayt refers primarily to written rather than

oral instruction, 108, n. 19.

          238 Gerhard Fecht, Der Vorwurf an Gott in den "Mahnworten des

Ipu-wer" (Heidelberg: Carl Winters Universitatsverlag, 1972).

          239 Williams, "Egyptian Literature (Wisdom)," 397-398.



ca1240 it is unusual in that the sage criticizes the god for deplorable condi-

tions existing in the land. The king responds to the criticism at the end of

the document, and from what remains of the speech it seems that the king

places the blame for the adverse conditions on the people themselves.241

Even in a text where a god was reproached for allowing people to suffer and

conditions to deteriorate, the conventional orthodox view is still present,

that these conditions are due to actions of people, and the gods are not


                    b. Dispute of a Man with His Ba

                              Dating from the Twelfth Dynasty, this poem is

preserved in a single manuscript, of which the first part is missing.242 It is

also known as the "Dispute over Suicide."243 There are many ways of

interpreting this difficult work but the basic facts are communicated as a

discussion between "a man" and his ba, or "soul."244 Although this is

frequently the translation seen for ba it has no Semitic equivalent, and

"soul" fails to properly communicate its salient meaning. It also introduces

a dualistic distinction between body and soul proper to some other philo-

sophical systems but contrary to the concept of human beings held by the

Egyptians.245  It could be called the personification of the vital force that


          240 Lichtheim, AEL, vol. 1 (1973), 149-150.

          241 Lichtheim, AEL, vol. 1 (1973), 161-162, n. 29.

          242 Lichtheim, AEL, vol.. 1 (1973), 163.

          243 ANET, 405-407.

          244 R. Murphy, Tree of Life, 170.

          245 Louis V. Zabkar, "Ba," LA, vol. 1 (1975), 588-589. The ba is the

"moral essence of a person's motivation and movement, which also enables

him or her to be free in the next world," according to Baines, "Society," 145.



animates the kha (body).246 There were several stages of development for

the idea of the ba in post-mortem existence, and Zabkar notes three facts:

          First, the Ba indicates the fullness of being, not a part of it. Second,

          the Ba is not a spiritual part of man, but the totality of his physical

          and psychical attributes and functions. The third fact which

          logically follows from the second is that the idea of man in ancient

          Egypt was not that of a composite body and soul, of physical and

          spiritual or material and immaterial elements, but that of a monistic

          unit comprising all of man's qualities; in each and all of the several

          modes of existence (Ba, Ka, Ach, etc.) man continues to live and act

          as a full individual.247

          A brief look at the contents of the work shows a suffering man ex-

pressing his longing for death. Angered over this, his ba threatens to

leave him. This causes horror to the man, since abandonment by the ba

would mean total annihilation instead of the resurrection and eternal bliss

which he imagined, and he entreats his ba to stay with him and not oppose

him in his longing for a natural death, rather than a suicide. The ba then

tells the man that death is a sad business, and that those who have nice

tombs are no better off than those who have none. The ba urges the man to


          246 H. Seebass, "wp,n,," TWAT, vol. 5 (1986), 533. It was often pictured

in Egyptian artwork as a migratory stork, or a human-headed bird which

flutters or hovers over the mummy or near the tomb and may be benefitted

by offerings, water or shade, see G. L. Archer and W. S. La Sor, "Religions:

Egypt," 106; Finegan, Myth and Mystery, 45; and the picture of a "soul tree"

in Cecil M. Robeck, "Soul," ISBE, vol. 4 (1988), 587.

          247 Zabkar, "Ba," LA, vol. 1 (1975), 590. For a more detailed treatment

see L. Zabkar, A Study of the BA Concept in Ancient Egyptian Texts

(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968); and Hans Goedicke, The

Report About the Dispute of a Man with His BA (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins

University Press, 1970), 20-37, who stresses the duplexity of the meaning

against the uniform character of the term in Zabkar's study.



stop complaining and enjoy life. The man seems unconvinced, since he

closes by deploring the miseries he has to endure, and exalts death and

resurrection. In a concluding speech the ba decides to remain with the


          On the subject of the source of evil, the Dispute is silent. The poem

acknowledges the existence of evil, citing many examples; but nowhere is

the question of origin asked with regard to evil. The role of the gods men-

tioned in the text is judicial,249 and the idea that misery in life will be

rewarded in a hereafter appears in line 22.250 The "second poem of the

man" (lines 103-130) cites instances of wrongdoing, greed, criminal activity

and alienation, for the current state of misery the man is enduring. In

lines 122-123 he says:

          To whom shall I speak today?

          None are righteous (ma'tyw),

          The land is left to evildoers (irw isft).

The word translated "righteous" is based on the root ma'at, and means

someone who pursues "the good," or "one attached to ma'at."251 The

opposite of ma'tyw "righteous one" is irw isft "the wrongdoer," and has a


          248 Lichtheim, AEL, vol. 1 (1973), 163; Murphy, Tree of Life, 170; and

in greater detail, Goedicke, Report, 38-59. Williams, "Egyptian Literature

(Wisdom)," 398 sees it as an attack on the traditional costly material

provision for the afterlife, but Goedicke (Report, 58) disagrees.

          249 Goedicke, Report, 84-85, 102-109. The passage is in lines 23-31, see

AEL, vol. 1 (1973), 164-165.

          250 According to Goedicke (Report, 103).

          251 Goedicke, Report, 169.


strong moral connotation.252

          The conclusion is that in the Dispute the problems of an innocent

sufferer are brought on by others who do not observe ma'at.

                    c. Tale of the Eloquent Peasant

                              This story dates from the Middle Kingdom and

was apparently intended as a literary essay in what the Egyptians con-

sidered fine writing.253 The text consists of a series of nine poetic speeches

framed by narrative.254 The basic story line is that a humble oasis dweller

(not a "peasant"255) named Khun-Anup has his goods taken from him by a

tenant farmer. When the complaint is brought before the high steward,

Rensi son of Meru, he is so impressed with Khun-Anup's eloquence that he

delays the repayment of the lost goods until after nine speeches are made.

          Though it is evident in the poetry and literary devices256 that this was

an essay showing fine writing, the main emphasis is on the rights of the

common individual.257 There is no outcry against the gods over the injus-

tices done to Khun-Anup, only a criticism of those who fail to do ma'at, as

he tells Rensi:

          Do Justice (ma'at) for the Lord of Justice (ma'at),

                    who is the wise perfection of his Justice (ma’at).

          Reed pen, papyrus, and palette of Thoth all dread to write injustice:


          252 Goedicke, Report, 169. See also de Buck, Coffin Texts, 4.63a.

          253 William K. Simpson, ed., The Literature of Ancient Egypt (New

Haven: Yale University Press, 1972), 31.

          254 Lichtheim, AEL, vol. 1 (1973), 169.

          255 Williams, "Egyptian Literature (Wisdom)," 398.

          256 See Simpson, LAE, 35, n. 11; 37, n. 23; 41, n. 48; etc.

          257 Williams, "Egyptian Literature (Wisdom)," 398.




                    when good is truly good, that good is priceless--

          But Justice (ma'at) is forever,

                    and down to the very grave it goes with him who does it.

          His burial conceals that man within the ground,

                    yet his good name shall never perish from the earth.258

          The eternality of ma'at as the standard of right order is shown here,

and injustice results when people, especially those in power, do not abide by

its standards. Khun-Anup calls in frustration to the high steward, who

has remained silent during the entire ordeal:

          Do not answer with the answer of silence!

                    do not attack one who does not attack you.

          You have no pity, you are not troubled,

          You are not disturbed!

          You do not repay my good speech which comes from the mouth of Re


          Speak justice (ma'at), do justice (ma'at),

          For it is mighty;

          It is great, it endures,

          Its worth is tried,

          It leads to reveredness.259

          As the story ends, the high steward Rensi eventually forces the

robber to repay Khun-Anup for his losses. Rather than criticize the gods,

one of the last things said by Khun-Anup prompting Rensi into action is the

threat by the sufferer to plead his case to the god Anubis if Rensi continues

his silence:


          258 Lines 304-307; this translation is that of John L. Foster, Echoes of

Egyptian Voices (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1992), 83.

          259 AEL, vol. 1 (1973), 181. Foster's translation (Echoes, 84) differs

slightly but meanings are essentially the same.



Here I have been pleading with you, and you have not listened to it.

I shall go and plead about you to Anubis!260

          For Khun-Anap the problems he experienced were external and

social. For the man in the Dispute they were internal and personal.

However, both see injustices and suffering resulting from a perversion of

ma'at. As indicated earlier, this concept of cosmic order is similar to the

Sumerian me but with a significant difference. In Mesopotamia the gods

are "wielders of the me"261 whereas in Egypt, pharaoh and the gods exist

by ma'at.262 Thus ma'at has more extensive ramifications in its relation

to the realm of the divine.263 It was a standard of behavior that both deities

and humans were measured by.264 Speaking and doing ma'at led to

success; failing to do so led to isft, disorder. If ma'at is to be understood in

the sense of harmony, truth and justice, then this has implications for

social relationships. Everyone has rights, and those rights carry with them

a responsibility for those around them. Individuals were seen as care-

worthy creations of the gods and this formed the basis for morality.265 This


          260 AEL, vol. 1 (1973), 182, the end of the ninth petition.

          261 See ANET, 579-580; and Hallo and van Dijk, Exaltation of Inanna,

15, 49-50.

          262 Frankfort, Kingship and the Gods, 158, 278.

          263 Walton, Ancient Israelite Literature, 91.

          264 It is still a matter of discussion whether the concept of me was as

central to Mesopotamian society as ma'at was to Egypt. See H. H. Schmid,

Wesen and Geschichte der Weisheit, BZAW 101 (Berlin: Topelmann, 1966),

115-118 for a survey of the question.

          265 John A. Wilson, "Egypt," in The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient

Man, ed. H. Frankfort et al. (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1946;

repr. Phoenix Books, 1977), 82, 108-109.




is a far cry from the Sumero-Babylonian view that humanity was created to

serve the gods, and that justice was a privilege rather than a right.266

                    d. Teaching of Amenemhet

                              This purported communication of an assassinated

king to his son and successor has only slight bearing on this study, and it is

mentioned only due to its unique position on the subject. It has no religious

aspect to it, and nothing is said about ma'at.267

          The main message of the instructions is "trust no one":268

          Trust not a brother, know not a friend,

          Make no intimates, it is worthless.

          When you lie down, guard your heart yourself,

          For no man has adherents on the day of woe.269

Amenemhet then gives evidence why this advice should be taken:

          I gave to the beggar, I raised the orphan,

          I gave success to the poor as to the wealthy;

          But he who ate my food raised opposition,

          He whom I gave my trust used it in a plot.270

          The speaker claims he did what the kings of Egypt were supposed to

do, yet within his palace a plot was made which eventually led to his

murder. In the concluding two lines of this section of poetry Amenemhet

encourages his son to learn the lessons he has to offer:


          266 Jacobsen, "Mesopotamia," 207-208.

          267 William L. McKane, Proverbs: A New Approach, OTL (Philadel-

phia: Westminster, 1970), 85.

          268 Murphy, Tree of Life, 165; McKane, Proverbs, 84.

          269 AEL, vol. 1 (1973), 136; LAE, 194.

          270 AEL, vol. 1 (1973), 136; LAE, 194.




          If one fights in the arena forgetful of the past,

          Success will elude him who ignores what he should know.

          The uniqueness of this work is seen in that it is the only known

specimen of its kind, yet over seventy copies or portions of it have been re-

covered.271 It is a misanthropic work, characterized by cynicism and

bitterness. In both poetical sections Amenemhet asserts that the good he

did for his subjects and the country was repayed with betrayal and ulti-

mately murder. Amenemhet claims to have suffered undeserved violence.

In his advice no blame is ascribed to the gods, only untrustworthy people

are warned against.

          The political function of this essay was to validate the succession to

the throne of Sesostris I, the son of Amenemhet.272 It was probably written

by a creative royal scribe in the employ of Sesostris I who showed a great

deal of imagination, but few modern scholars take this work at face value.

This forces any analysis of the work to be careful not to take it as an

historical record, although the attitudes displayed toward royal advisors

and other people are informative.


          271 Lichtheim, AEL, vol. 1 (1973), 135, observes that the subject of regi-

cide conflicted too strongly with the dogma of divine kingship for several

works of this sort to be produced, yet Simpson (LAE, 193) says that the large

number of copies or portions recovered indicate its popularity. Note also the

comment of McKane (Proverbs, 83) in this regard.

          272 Simpson (LAE, 193) calls it a blatant work of political propaganda

designed to validate the new king.




                    3. Inequity or Injustice was Often Rectified in the Afterlife273

                    When rewards and punishments could be projected into

a post-mortem existence the problem of injustice and innocent suffering

becomes a less vital concern.274 A culture which believes that there is a

judgment after death for all individuals plays down the need for retribution

and reward in this life since all scores will be settled in the next life and it is

never too late for righteousness to be rewarded.

          C. Conclusion

                    Some comparisons of Sumero-Babylonian literature with that

of Egypt regarding innocent suffering are in order.

          First, we can observe that theodicy, by strict definition, is not an

appropriate category for discussion of Egyptian literature due to the

Egyptian view of a judgment in post-mortem existence. This is in contrast

to Sumero-Babylonian literature, which calls for the rectification of in-

justice and illness in the present life. To be sure, there are protests over

injustices and bad treatment in Egyptian literature but the general tenor of

Egyptian society was more serene,275 and the possibility of all things being

set right in the afterlife made a difference in their outlook.

          Secondly, the gods are not viewed in either literature as holding to as

high a moral standard as that of Yahweh of the ancient Israelites. The


          273 For a basic discussion of the afterlife in Egypt see Silverman,

"Divinity and Deities," 46-49; in more detail, Hermann Kees, Totenglauben

and Jenseitsvorstellungen der alten Agypter (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag,


          274 Williams, "Theodicy," 48.

          275 Gladson, "Retributive Paradoxes," 85.




gods of Egypt and Mesopotamia are not always portrayed in "holy" terms,

and in neither culture are moral standards based on the character of the

gods.276 In Egypt, behavioral standards related to keeping ma'at; in

Mesopotamia the law codes were based on economic factors, and wrong-

doing was more often seen as an offense against society. The claim to

"righteousness" was usually based on ritual observations, especially in

times of suffering when an individual was not able to get the god to reveal

the reason for the divine anger expressed against the person.

          Thirdly, in Egypt the gods are rarely questioned or blamed for injus-

tices; in Mesopotamia, suggestions of a god or goddess being responsible for

someone's suffering are made in the most cautious and circumspect terms.

When it is claimed in the Admonitions of Ipuwer that the gods might be at

fault the king responds with the conventional teaching that people have

failed to keep ma'at, leading to the disruption of society.  In Mesopotamia

when a sufferer pleads for a god or goddess to relieve sickness or suffering

there is always an assumption on the part of the petitioner that a sin of

some kind has caused the deity to allow this treatment.

          This leads to the fourth observation, that the source of evil in Egypt

and Mesopotamia differed. For the Egyptians, evil was generally associated

with isft, "disorder," the opposite of ma’at. Those who did not do or speak

according to the standards of ma'at allowed disorder into their lives. For

the Mesopotamians evil was often seen as a result of demonic activity,


          276 Contrast with this the numerous claims of Yahweh's holiness,

Lev 11:44-45; 19:2; 21:8; Josh 24:19; 1 Sam 2:2; etc., and the title "Holy One of

Israel" ascribed to Yahweh in Ps 71:22; 78:4; Is 1:4; 5:19, 24; 10:20; etc.




hence a result of living forces or beings. Even a "friendly" personal god may

allow suffering to occur in an individual's life if offended, so the rituals in

Mesopotamian worship often functioned as appeasement so that suffering

was avoided or halted.

          How does the previous study relate to von Soden's four elements

required for theodicy?

          1. A Clear Sense of Right and Wrong

                    a. Egypt

                              To do right was to conform to ma'at. No one could ever

exhaust the knowledge of ma'at completely nor conform to ma'at totally,

hence a certain amount of disorder in an individual's life and in society

was expected. For the Egyptians ma'at was seen as "doing good," and

becoming cognizant of ma'at was based on instruction and observation or

perception and insight.277 Although the Egyptians did not have a written

law code (or if they did it has not been discovered yet) the funerary inscrip-

tions show their claims to have done certain things or abstained from other

activities in the attempt to gain a favorable verdict in the judgment.278

Morenz says these inscriptions show us clearly that

          ...the Egyptians possessed general maxims of conduct, such as the

          need to avoid inflicting pain upon one's fellow beings, but did not

          attempt to describe exhaustively all the possible wicked actions

          whereby this could be done. They may be said to have had an ethic of

          an attitude of mind, which obliges men themselves to apply to the

          concrete circumstances the general moral maxim that one should


          277 Morenz, Egyptian Religion, 123.

          278 Morenz, Egyptian Religion, 134.



          show consideration for one's fellows. Thus Egyptian ethics are

          oriented toward commission and omission, but also toward facts and

          toward mental attitudes.279

So the norms of conduct in Egyptian society were (apparently) not codified,

unlike the law codes in Mesopotamia or the Torah in Israel. One may get

a glimpse into Egyptian ethics and morals by examining the Negative Con-

fessions (Book of the Dead, chapter 125), where a list of actions or attitudes

was denied in order to achieve a favorable judgment in the afterlife.280

          As far as we know at present, Egyptian moral thought was not

formulated as a code of ethics and written down as such. Morals were

conveyed in five types of literary sources: (1) instructions in wisdom; (2)

autobiographies; (3) declarations of innocence in the Book of the Dead,

chapter 125; (4) priestly prohibitions and declarations inscribed on temple

doors; and (5) imaginative tales that conveyed moral lessons.281 Each

individual knew that his or her personal conduct would have to be

accounted for and weighed against ma'at in the judgment.

                    b. Mesopotamia

                              A sense of right and wrong is present to some extent in

Mesopotamia, although an absolute moral standard is lacking. Law


          279 Morenz, Egyptian Religion, 134.

          280 There are also moral self-laudations in private autobiographies

most often phrased as positive statements of good character and right

action, see Lichtheim, Maat, 105. A thorough discussion of the Negative

Confessions (103-144), and the moral vocabulary found therein (145-150) as

well as the aspects of ma'at (151) and a ranking of virtues and vices (152-

153) are also contained in Lichtheim's discussion.

          281 Lichtheim, Maat, 152.




codes282 were in effect at various times but these did not explain why a

person may suffer a run of "bad luck," played out as poor health, financial

setbacks, or the like. The gods frequently left the person in ignorance of the

offense, giving them recourse only to seek the answer through haruspicy,

oneiromancy or other forms of divination,283 or to recite the Surpu incan-

tations, hoping to hit upon the one that had offended the deity.

          In the event that the gods did not reveal the nature of the offense the

claim to "righteousness" then became a claim that an individual had done

all that could be done and the gods had not communicated any failings.284

This left a sufferer in ignorance, but there was no assumption of innocence.

          2. Significant Individual Worth

                    a. Egypt

                              Both societies held this view to some degree, though

Egypt seemed to apply it more practically than Mesopotamia. The Egyp-

tians considered themselves divine creations, and in the Middle Kingdom it

was said that the first human (rmt, later rmt) was created from the tear

(rmit) of the creator-god.285 Though this idea was associated with an ex-


          282 E. g., Sumerian: Laws of Ur-Nammu, Laws of Lipit-Ishtar; Old

Babylonian: Laws of Eshnunna, Code of Hammurapi. For manuscript

data, publication, and translation information for these and other ancient

law collections see Walton, Ancient Israelite Literature, 69-74.

          283 For a brief look at their divination methods see Malcolm J. A.

Horsnell, "Religions: Assyria and Babylonia," ISBE, vol. 4 (1988), 90; and in

more detail, W. Farber, "Witchcraft, Magic, and Divination in Ancient

Mesopotamia," in Civilizations of the Ancient Near East, ed. J. M. Sasson, 4

vols. (New York: Scribner, 1995), 3.1895-1909.

          284 Walton, Ancient Israelite Literature, 180.

          285 Morenz, Egyptian Religion, 183; Hornung, Conceptions of God,

150; cf. Lesko, "Cosmogonies," 101-102.



planation of the suffering of mankind it also gives an explanation of their

origin.286 Another text implies that people are small livestock, i. e. merely

cattle, the property of the gods.287 This view is the negative end of the scale

from the title of the pharaoh as shepherd, the shepherd's crook being one of

the earliest insignia of the pharaoh and the origin of one of the words

meaning "to rule."288 This is often a positive image due to its association

with provision and protection.

          An "Egyptocentric" view was prominent in the thinking of the inhabi-

tants of that nation which promoted them as the most important people on

earth.289 This was a result of their national religion, which had their peo-

ple being ruled by a divine king. They held the conviction that their nation

was the center of the earth290 and that they were superior to all other peo-

ples.291 Their self-worth seemingly was rooted in their religion and their

belief that they held a position of privilege and status among their gods.

                    b. Mesopotamia

                              People were created to serve the gods, according to

Sumero-Babylonian belief, and as it was pointed out earlier, self-worth

came as a result of the role or function one played in society. The gods


          286 Baines, "Society," 163; cf. also Morenz, Egyptian Religion, 183, and

see 184 where the god Khnum's activity as creator is discussed.

          287 Wilson, "Egypt," 79.

          288 Wilson, "Egypt," 79.

          289 Morenz, Egyptian Religion, 42-49. See also Wilson, "Egypt," 33.

          290 Morenz, Egyptian Religion, 42-47. This idea was not limited to the

Egyptians. See the brief discussion of this motif in the OT in L. C. Allen,

Ezekiel 1-19, WBC vol. 28 (Dallas: Word, 1994), 72-73.

          291 Morenz, Egyptian Religion, 47-49.


needed people. Saggs observes:

          In the last resort, man was lord of all: the proper functioning of the

          universe itself depended upon man's maintaining agriculture, sup-

          porting the temples, and providing the gods with their sustenance.292

Saggs may be correct in pointing out the importance of human beings in

their roles which supported the temple and its adjoining property, but I can

detect no sense of "lordliness" on the part of the average person, especially

when it has been observed so many times that people were created to do the

work the gods did not want to be bothered with. It is difficult to see how

human beings could hold a lofty view of themselves knowing their role of

servitude before the gods. In contrast to Saggs' claim of lordliness, Bottero

observes the great anxiety in Mesopotamian society evidenced by their

obsession with demonic oppression.293

          Ancient Mesopotamian society was structured around temples to

various gods, hence one can assume that those employed in the temple held

higher social status than those who did not, and that there was also very

likely an ascending order of status held among temple employees, depend-

ing on what one did.

          The average person in Mesopotamia was not of sufficient signifi-

cance to the great gods to merit individual attention, thus the heightened

importance and emphasis on the personal deities.294 The suffering of an

individual was seen as a matter between the individual and the personal


          292 Saggs, Encounter, 170.

          293 Bottero, "Problem of Evil," 1.163-167, especially 1.165.

          294 Saggs, Encounter, 122-123.




god and did not affect the community as a whole. The two balancing per-

spectives of religious individualism and religious nationalism combined

with the inscrutability of the gods left a suffering individual in an ambig-

uous position.295 The gods were not morally obligated to help and this

resulted in the cajoling and attempted manipulation of the gods seen in the

literature. Since humanity existed to serve the gods and do their work, it

was only logical to keep people alive and healthy, or so the ancient Meso-

potamians reasoned. Justice as favor was originally the concept until the

law codes, especially the Code of Hammurapi, took shape. Before this,

justice could never be claimed; it could only be obtained through personal

connections, favoritism or manipulation.296

          3. Conflict Between Deities

                    Given the size of the pantheons in both Egypt and Mesopotamia

it is amazing that this issue is rarely seen in the literature of either society.

With so many gods it seems there might have been conflict or competition

for the loyalty of worshippers but there is no record of such. Von Soden con-

siders that this fact is due to a virtual monotheism on the practical level of

worship, which he called "monotheotetism."297 While it is true that the

mythology of Mesopotamia has instances of conflict between divinities298 it

is very rare to find an individual human portrayed as a victim of the conflict

between the gods. One of the exceptions to this would be Atrahasis in the


          295 Van der Toorn, Sin and Sanction, 114.

          296 Cf. Jacobsen, "Mesopotamia," 207-208.

          297 Von Soden, "Das Fragen," 46.

          298 E. g., Enuma Elish.



epic of the same name, as he was caught in the interplay between Enlil and


          4. Judgment in the Afterlife

                    a. Egypt

                              This, of course, is the main element of religion which

negates the need for theodicy in Egyptian literature. Many of the specifics

have already been covered above and need not be repeated here. Lest

modern readers believe that the Egyptians were assured and comfortable

with their official teachings, Miriam Lichtheim makes the following


          But whatever apprehension of the judgment the Egyptian had, it was

          as nothing compared to his fear and hatred of death. By right doing

          and by ritual means as well, the judgment would be overcome. But

          death could not be evaded. With all his faith in the magical

          manipulation of the universe, the Egyptian, when not indulging in

          hopes and phantasies, was a pragmatist. Death was a massive

          reality. The hereafter? Except in imaginative tales, no one had ever

          come back to tell of it. These two things remained largely unresolved:

          the full-bodied fear of death, and the nagging doubt about the reality

          of a life in the beyond. To overcome these two required not self-

          assertion but rather a self-restraining sagacity and piety:

                    The end of the man of god is to be buried on the mountain with

                    his burial equipment (Papyrus Insinger 18, 12).300

                    b. Mesopotamia

                              Without a doubt the ancient Mesopotamians believed in

an existence after death. However, the evidence is very thin that a judg-


          299 See the discussion in Jacobsen, Treasures of Darkness, 116-121.

          300 Lichtheim, Maat, 144.


went would take place.301 There are incantation texts which speak of the

afterlife in reference to a sick person who is in the land of the dead.302 The

"Counsels of Wisdom" speak of the Anunnaki defining the status of the


          He who fears the Anunnaki extends [his days].303

These underworld gods are not viewed as carrying out moral judgment on

the deceased. The fate of the dead seems to have depended more on social

status, how they died and the manner in which the funeral rituals were

carried out.304 Thus in Mesopotamia reward and punishment are viewed

as something carried out in this life.

          Mankind’s ultimate destiny was death, as Gilgmesh shows.305


          301 See Helmer Ringgren, Religions of the Ancient Near East, tr. J.

Sturdy (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1973), 46-48, 121-123; and J. Bottero, "La

mythologie de la mort in Mesopotamie ancienne," in Death Mesopota-

mia. XXVIe-Recontre assyriologique internationale, ed. B. Alster, (Copen-

hagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1980), 25-52, esp. 29-32, for a discussion of the

afterlife in Mesopotamia.

          302 Sumeran kur-nu-gi4-a, Akkadian erset la tari; lit. "land of no

return." The OT knows the earth as the "land of the living" (MyyH Crx), Isa

38:11; 53:8; Jer 11:19; Ps 27:13; Job 28:13; etc., as opposed to the netherworld.

Job 10:21 observes that this place is a land of gloom and deep darkness from

which no one returns. For a detailed study see Nicholas J. Tromp,

Primitive Conceptions of Death and the Nether World in the Old Testament

(Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1969).

          303 BWL, 105, line 147. For more on the Anunnaki see the discussion

of Erra above.

          304 H. W. F. Saggs, "Some Ancient Semitic Concepts of the Afterlife,"

Faith and Thought 90 (1958): 168.

          305 See the comments of Murphy, Tree of Life, 155-156.\




Beyond death was the netherworld ruled by Nergal and his consort Eresh-

kigal, and inhabited by the disembodied spirits (etemmu) of the dead. Each

etemmu experienced a shadowy, dismal existence in this dark and dreary

place where clay and dust were eaten for food. The twelfth tablet of the

Gilgamesh epic lists various fates for people but none are pleasant. The

concept of a happy and blissful afterlife did not exist in Mesopotamia.306

          The analysis of theodicy and the applicable literature of the cultures

of the ANE have shown that only Israel possessed a true concept of an

innocent sufferer. However, it seems many scholars limit this to OT books

other than Proverbs. Why is this so? This will be discussed in the next

















          306 Horsnell, "Religions: Assyria and Babylonia," 94.




                                            CHAPTER TWO



                                     THE BOOK OF PROVERBS


          The purpose of this chapter is to explore some of the past assump-

tions of scholarship to establish why the book of Proverbs has been excluded

from discussions of innocent suffering or sufferers. Then I will suggest a

thesis which will allow a detailed discussion of the main topic in the

remainder of this study. My purpose is not to recount the history of wisdom

scholarship or the scholarly trends concerning the book of Proverbs in

general but to examine certain trends and positions which seem to exclude

Proverbs from the discussion of this topic.l


I. Past Assumptions

          There are two main points that will be touched on in this part of the

study. The first is the categorization of Proverbs as conventional wisdom,

with the implication that a mechanical or impersonal order and a rigid

expression of retribution are norms. The second is the perception that Job

and Qoheleth, as exceptional, wisdom, react against the dogmatization seen

in the sayings and admonitions of Proverbs.


          1 For a brief discussion of wisdom scholarship see R. E. Clements,

One Hundred Years of Old Testament Interpretation (Philadelphia: West-

minster, 1976), 99-117; and more recently R. N. Whybray, The Book of Pro-

verbs: A Survey of Modern Study (Leiden: Brill, 1995).



A. Proverbs is Conventional Wisdom

          One of the assumptions of past studies of Proverbs is that the

book reflects the conservative outlook of conventional wisdom.2 R. B. Y.

Scott describes it as "conservative, practical, didactic, optimistic, and

worldly wise."3 Other scholars have suggested two additional beliefs

regarding conventional wisdom as expressed in Proverbs, the first of which

is the assumption that the divine order of the world is similar in function to

the Egyptian idea of ma'at,4 and second, that there is a strict doctrine of

retribution at work in the book which controls reward and punishment.

Both of these issues will be discussed in some detail, since they form an

important part of the interpretational matrix for the book of Proverbs, and

are a part of the reason why scholars, both past and present, fail to discuss

Proverbs in any detailed treatment of the topic of innocent suffering.

                    1. Reflection of a "Divine" Order

                              According to some scholars, the primary foundation of

wisdom thinking is the concept of order:

          The fundamental premise of wisdom is belief in order. Implicit is a

          world view of reality as subject to laws established by a Creator, to

          governing principles discernible by use of reason. Wisdom seeks to

          understand these rules, to discover the appropriate deed for the



          2 R. Gordis, "The Social Background of Wisdom Literature," HUCA

18 (1944): 81-82.

          3 R. B. Y. Scott, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, AB vol. 18 (Garden City:

Doubleday & Co., 1965), xvix.

          4 For a discussion of ma'at in Egyptian literature see chapter 1.

          5 J. L. Crenshaw, "Wisdom in the OT," IDBSup, 954. See also idem,

"Prolegomenon," in Studies in Ancient Israelite Wisdom, ed. J. Crenshaw



According to Lennart Bostrom6 this concept of order is virtually axiomatic

due to its familiarity and prominence in scholarly works dealing with

wisdom literature.7 These studies often draw heavily on the wisdom

traditions of the ANE and emphasize the permeation of creation by a cosmic

order that integrated the various parts of reality into a harmonious

whole.8 The goal of the sages was to discover order, and once the order of

the cosmos was determined "wisdom could be achieved, lessons made


(New York: KTAV, 1976), 27; R. E. Murphy, The Tree of Life (New York:

Doubleday & Co., 1990), 115; and cf. J. Blenkinsopp, Wisdom and Law in the

Old Testament: The Ordering of Life in Israel and Early Judaism (Oxford:

Oxford University Press, 1983), 41-73, for a discussion of how moral order

pervades all Israelite traditions.

          6 Lennart Bostrom, The God of the Sages (Stockholm: Almqvist &

Wiksell, 1990), 91; also Murphy, Tree of Life, 115.

          7 E. g., W. Zimmerli, "The Place and Limit of Wisdom in the Frame-

work of Old Testament Theology," SJT 17 (1964): 146-158; H. Gese, Lehre

und Wirklichkeit in der alten Weisheit: Studien zu den Spruchen Salomos

und zu dem Buche Hiob (Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1958); H.

H. Schmid, Wesen und Geschichte der Weisheit: Eine Untersuchung zur

altorientalischen Weisheitsliteratur, BZAW 101 (Berlin: Topelmann, 1966);

idem, Gerechtigkeit als Weltordnung: Hintergrund und Geschichte des

alttestamentlichen Gerechtigkeitsbegriffes (Tubingen: J. C. B. Mohr [Paul

Siebeck], 1968); idem, "Schopfung, Gerechtigkeit und Heil: ‘Schopfungs-

theologie’ als Gesamthorizont biblischer Theologie," ZTK 70 (1973): 1-19; G.

von Rad, Wisdom in Israel, tr. J. D. Martin (London: SCM, 1972); and H.-J.

Hermisson, "Observations on the Creation Theology in Wisdom," in Isra-

elite Wisdom: Theological and Literary Essays in Honor of Samuel Terrien,

ed. J. G. Gammie et al. (New York: Scholars Press, 1978), 43-57.

          8 L. G. Perdue, Wisdom and Creation: The Theology of Wisdom

Literature (Nashville: Abingdon, 1994), 37. For a discussion of scholar-

ship's trends in these areas see J. A. Gladson, "Retributive Paradoxes in

Proverbs 10-29" (Ph. D. diss., Vanderbilt University, 1978), 8-18, 22-52.


apparent, and laws for conduct established."9

          This view is often held as a parallel to the Egyptian concept of

ma’at,10 with an Egyptian mentality virtually transposed onto the wisdom

literature of the Hebrew Bible.11 Ma'at essentially means truth and jus-

tice expressed as a single concept. However, a large number of scholars

have seen order or world order as its meaning. The idea of ma'at as order

was then applied to both Israelite and Egyptian wisdom.12 This order un-

derlies the thought-pattern of the sentence literature. According to Gese:

          Vielmehr wird hier in der Weisheit auf Grund der Erkenntnis einer

          der Welt innewohnenden Ordnung gesagt, dass der Fleissige durch

          sein Tun reich, der Faule arm wird; and ebenso wird Gerechte

          Erfolg, der Ungerechte Misserfolg davontragen. Wir konnen fast von

          einer naturgesetzlichen Weise sprechen, in der sich die Folge aus

          der Tat ergibt.13

          H. H. Schmid proposed a common "altorientalische Weltordnungs-

denken"14 observable in Egypt, Mesopotamia, Canaan and Israel. In the

OT this view of world order was designated by the root qdc which "scheint

in ihrem kanaanaischen Hintergrund diesem Vorstellungsbereich einer


          9 Murphy, Tree of Life, 115.

          10 See R. Anthes, "Die Maat des Echnaton von Amarna," JAOS

Supplement 14 (1952): 1-36; S. Morenz, Egyptian Religion, tr. A. Keep

(Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1973), 113, and H. H. Brunner, "Der freie

Wille Gottes in der agyptischen Weisheit," in Les Sagesses du Proche-Orien

ancien, no ed. (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1963), 103.

          11 See Schmid, Wesen and Geschichte, 47-50, 156-166.

          12 Michael V. Fox, "World Order and Ma'at: A Crooked Parallel,"

JANES 23 (1995): 38.

          13 Gese, Lehre und Wirklichkeit, 34-35 (emphasis in original).

          14 Schmid, Gerechtigkeit als Weltordnung, 14-23, 65.




umfassenden Weltordnung anzugehoren."15

          However, this view has been criticized by Jorn Halbe, who has

argued that almost any world view will have elements of a concept of order,

and that the act-consequence is of such a general nature that parallels can

be found in most cultures, which does not necessitate a claim of borrowing,

even if these cultures neighbor one another.16 Also, Schmid's analysis of

qdc can be disputed.17 In Schmid's view the ancient oriental concept of

order had broad application and included the areas of law, wisdom,

nature/fertility, war/victory, cult/sacrifice and kingship, but he was unable

to demonstrate convincingly that qdc held this meaning in Biblical texts

except in the three areas of law, wisdom and especially kingship.18 His

idea that qdc constitutes a term for world order assumes a Canaanite

background for the root, but this is difficult to detect in the OT material.19

          Those who attempt to view Israelite wisdom through the concept of

order based on a comparison with Egyptian literature and the function of

ma'at see ma'at as an impersonal principle, according to which every-

thing in the world is ordered. Those who have noted the impersonal formu-

lations of the Biblical sentence literature seize upon this impersonal nature


          15 Schmid, Gerechtigkeit als Weltordnung, 66.

          16 Jorn Halbe, "’Altorientalisches Weltordnungsdenken’ and alttest-

amentliche Theologie: Zur Kritik eines Ideologems am Beispiel des

israelitischen Rechts," ZTK 76 (1979): 385-395.

          17 See the criticisms made by Bostrom, God of the Sages, 94; and Diet-

hard Romheld, Wege der Weisheit: Die Lehren Amenemopes and Pro-

verbien 22,17-24,22, BZAW 184 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1989), 121-122.

          18 Schmid, Gerechtigkeit als Weltordnung, 171.

          19 Bostrom, God of the Sages, 94.



of order to explain the occurrence of consequences. These scholars also

point out the "secular" character of these sayings, noting the lack of

reference to God.

          In reacting to this we cannot doubt the Egyptian influence reflected

in Proverbs in both literary forms and motifs,20 since the similarity is too

striking to be considered coincidence.21 However, there has been a shift in

thinking among Egyptologists on the nature of ma'at, who observe that the

concept of ma'at was not static.22 Brunner pointed out that from Dynasty

XVIII onward there was a shift in Egyptian wisdom literature away from

the conventional view of ma'at toward an emphasis on human piety and

the free will of the god. The emphasis in the text of Amenemope is

interesting since it is not ma'at which plays the significant role but

human piety and the god's free will to react toward the pious which are

dominant.23 This makes the assumption of an impersonal concept of

order borrowed from Egypt an untenable position. In light of research

based on recent archaeological findings the date of Amenemope has been

pushed back to a time well before the monarchy was established in


          20 See Schmid, Wesen und Geschichte, 47-50, 156-166; and Christa B.

Kayatz, Studien zu Proverbien 1-9, WMANT 22 (Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neu-

kirchener Verlag, 1966).

          21 Roland E. Murphy, Wisdom Literature, FOTL vol. 13 (Grand

Rapids: Eerdmans, 1981), 51.

          22 E. g., Brunner, "Der freie Wille Gottes," 103-120; and J. Assmann,

"Weisheit, Loyalismus and Frommigkeit," in Studien zu altagyptischen

Lebenslehren, OBO 28 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1979), 12-15.

          23 Bostrom, God of the Sages, 96. Examples of personal piety and

divine free will to react toward the pious are also well attested in the Old

and Middle Kingdoms, but not as prominent as in the New Kingdom, see

Fox, "World Order," 43.


Israel.24 This shows that the later Israelite material would have been

written after the shift regarding ma'at in Egyptian literature had already

been accomplished. During this same time period ma'at acquired per-

sonal characteristics, including her depiction as a goddess and receiving

her own temple and cult.25 These more current views show the flawed

assumptions of past scholarship, since the older view virtually holds to a

kind of deism, in which justice and world order are built into the cosmos as

one of its functioning principles, rendering God's involvement redundant.

More recent studies show ma'at to be distinguished from a mechanistic

world order. It is a standard to live by, not a mechanism for retribution.26

          One of the results of seeing ma'at as an impersonal concept and

applying it to the concept of order was to divide proverbs into secular and

religious categories, as well as differentiate between revealed truth (e. g.,

prophetic material which originated from Yahweh) and observational truth

based on experience. An example of this is Norman K. Gottwald's

description of wisdom as

          a non-revelatory mode of thought that focuses on individual


          24 R. J. Williams, "A People Come Out of Egypt," Congress Volume,

Edinburgh, 1974, VTSup 28 (Leiden: Brill, 1975), 231-252; idem, "The Sages

of Ancient Egypt in the Light of Recent Scholarship," JAOS 101 (1981): 10;

and J. Ruffle, "The Teaching of Amenemope and its Connection with the

Book of Proverbs," TynBul 28 (1977): 33-34.

          25 See Kayatz, Studien, 93-98; W. Helck, "Maat," LA, vol. 3 (1980),

1114-1115; E. Wente, "Egyptian Religion," ABD, 2.410; and chapter 1 above.

          26 See Miriam Lichtheim, Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and

Related Studies, OBO 120 (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992), 37;

Fox, "World Order," 43.


          consciousness of truth and right conduct, displaying a humanistic

          orientation and a didactic drive to pass on its understandings to


However, this separation of thought into secular and religious is a modern

phenomenon28 and there is no reason to believe that anything like

"secular" thinking existed in the Biblical world, since distinctions like

secular versus religious and revelation versus experience were foreign to

the Biblical mind, at least as we understand these terms today.29

          Here it must be observed that Israel's doctrine of creation stood

behind its wisdom literature. This was put succinctly by Walther Zim-

merli: "Wisdom theology is creation theology."30 According to David A.

Hubbard, order "stems from a view of creation that is assumed but only

rarely expressed."31 An examination of the book shows references to

creation or the Creator only in 3:19-20; 8:22-31; 14:31; 16:4, 11; 17:5; 20:12;

22:2; 29:13.32 However, the comparatively small number of sayings which

make reference to creation show that while creation-of-the-world passages


          27 N. K. Gottwald, The Hebrew Bible: A Socio-Literary Introduction

(Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985), 567.

          28 Von Rad, Wisdom in Israel, 61.

          29 Bostrom, God of the Sages, 36-37; see also R. E. Clements, "Israel

in its Historical and Cultural Setting," in The World of Ancient Israel, ed.

R. E. Clements (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), 9.

Adriaan de Buck, "Het religieus Karakter der oudste egyptische Wijsheid,"

Nieuw theoloisch tijdschrift 21 (1932): 322-349, refuted the common idea

that Egyptian wisdom literature was basically nonreligious, thus re-

moving a foreign model as a basis for claiming a secular and religious

distinction for Proverbs.

          30 W Zimmerli, "Place and Limit of Wisdom," 316.

          31 D. A. Hubbard, "Proverbs, Book of," ISBE, vol. 3 (1986), 1019.

          32 For an analysis of the creation theology in Proverbs see Perdue,

Wisdom and Creation, 77-122; and Bostrom, God of the Sages, 48-67.




gain some prominence it is virtually impossible to ascribe any special

importance to the creation of humans in chapters 10-31.33 This would

show that other theological influences were at work in the formulation of

the wisdom materials. The question for the sages was not so much "Where

did we come from?" but rather "How do we live?" Roland E. Murphy34

raises the idea that Israelite sages never asked what wisdom was based on.

For them it was a given that the "fear of Yahweh is the beginning of

wisdom." He points out that to ask the question is to attempt to reconstruct

their mentality. They never asked the question nor consciously attempted

an answer. There is comparatively little interest in human origins per se

but a great deal of emphasis on relationships, and the world as showcase

for divine activity.35

          Given the fact of a Creator standing behind world order so that it

functions according to certain laws and principles, the discovery of God's

guidelines for living a successful life could hardly be called "secular,"

irreligious or pragmatic. Proverbs itself tells the reader in its statement of

purpose (1:1-6) that it intends to teach these guidelines, and the theme (1:7)

says the "research" is based on the hvhy txar;yi (cf. also 9:10). So the basis of

order in the world, in society and between individuals is based on the fear of

Yahweh, the Creator.


          33 According to Bostrom, God of the Sages, 80.

          34 Tree of Life, 116.

          35 Tree of Life, 119. See also Murphy's discussion of creation theology

and its influence on wisdom materials in "Wisdom in the OT," ABD, 6.924-




          Using the term "order" to designate the world view of the sages is

problematic, due to its connotations.36 This concept is by no means em-

ployed in a consistent way,37 since scholars use it to refer vaguely to a

world view that is orderly rather than chaotic, or to a view of the world in

which everything works strictly according to a metaphysical principle of

order to which God is also subject.38 If the recent studies of Fox, Bostrom,

Halbe and Steiert are correct, the idea of ma'at must not be forced on

Israelite materials. This is especially true in light of Fox's assessment that

ma'at did not and could not exist in Israel.39

          As this study will show in the following chapters, Proverbs is aware

of situations in which order is not always validated by experience. Rather

than simply appealing to order, the sages placed their faith in divine justice

that went beyond the observable and predictable.40

          Past scholarship has placed too much emphasis on Egyptian con-

cepts in evaluating Israelite materials. While there is no doubt influence,

the criticisms regarding the dialectical relationship of Egyptian influence


          36 Bostrom, God of the Sages, 137.

          37 See the comments of Fox, "World Order," 40-41; and Bostrom, God

of the Sages, 91.

          38 The latter view is defended by H. D. Preuss, "Das Gottesbild der

alteren Weisheit Israels," in Studies in the Religion of Ancient Israel,

VTSup 23 (Leiden: Brill, 1972), 120-128. As Fox ("World Order," 38, n. 8)

points out, "[t]he relation between Israelite Wisdom and its foreign

predecessors is dialectical, not imitative." For a detailed critique of Preuss'

view see F.-J. Steiert, Die Weisheit Israels--ein Fremdkorper in AT?

(Freiburg: Herder, 1990), 28-209.

          39 "World Order," 42.

          40 Raymond C. Van Leeuwen, "Wealth and Poverty: System and

Contradictions," HS 33 (1992): 25-36. Note also Fox, "World Order," 40, n. 23.




as opposed to incorporation or imitation are well taken.

                    2. Doctrine of Retribution

                              A discussion of retribution arises very naturally out of

the preceding examination of order. If there is a created order then it

should stand to reason that some actions will produce a good result, while

others will result in evil. Belief in retribution often brings the justice of God

and the righteous sufferer into tension, since it is thought that a just God

would not allow a righteous or innocent person to endure hardship or

suffering. This issue was discussed at some length in the first chapter in

regard to its portrayal in Mesopotamia and Egypt, and now its treatment in

Proverbs will be addressed, though an exhaustive discussion will not be


          The doctrine of retribution is a frequently recurring theme in the

book of Proverbs which seems to indicate that quality of life runs closely

parallel to conduct.41 In the past it has been referred to as the "act-

consequence relationship,"42 although Bostrom prefers the term

"character-consequence relationship" since the texts reflect more referen-

ces to life-style than to individual actions.43

          Interlocked with the concept of retribution as seen in Proverbs are the


          41 Bostrom, God of the Sages, 90.

          42 K. Koch, "Gibt es ein Vergeltungsdogma im Alten Testament?"

ZTK 52 (1955): 1-42; H. Gese, Lehre und Wirklichkeit, 33-45; and G. von Rad,

Wisdom in Israel, 124-128.

          43 Bostrom, God of the Sages, 90-91; and see U. Skladny, Die altesten

Spruchsammlungen in Israel (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1962),

8, 72, who finds the term Haltung-Schicksal-Zusammenhang more appro-

priate since specific actions are rarely in view.




ideas of order and creation theology.44 Wisdom theology is founded upon a

presupposed world order, which is inherent in creation, since Yahweh

created the world in wisdom (Prov 8).45

          According to Klaus Koch, retribution, to a great extent, functions

apart from any established norm or legal code. Citing Prov 25:19; 26:27, 28;

28:1, 10, 16b, 17, 18, 25b; 29:6, 23, 25, he says:

          Sie betonen alle, dass auf eine gemeinschaftstreue Tat Heil, auf eine

          sittlich bose Tat aber Verderben fur den Trater folgt,--dass jedoch

          Jahwe dieses Verderben herverruft, sagen sie nicht...Die Verse

          erwecken zunachst den Eindruck, dass eine bose Tat--der

          Notwendigkeit eines Naturgesetzes vergleichbar--unheilvolles

          Ergehen zwangslaufig zur Folge hat.46

This view held sway for quite some time among scholars, some claiming

this strong association of act and consequence constituted an early,

primitive-magical view of reality which has left enduring traces in Biblical

material.47 In this view every act has built-in consequences for the one

who performs it. Act and consequence are inseparable and comprehended

as one totality.48


          44 As discussed above, see W. Zimmerli, "The Place and Limit of

Wisdom," 146-158; and H.-J. Hermisson, "Observations on the Creation

Theology in Wisdom," 43-57.

          45 Hermisson, "Observations on the Creation Theology in Wisdom,"


          46 K. Koch, "Vergeltungsdogma," 3 (emphasis in original).

          47 H. G. Reventlow, "Sein Blut komme fiber sein Haupt," VT 10

(1960): 311-327; J. G. Gammie, "The Theology of Retribution in the Book of

Deuteronomy," CBQ 32 (1970): 1-12.

          48 This view has been designated as synthetische Lebensauffassung,

a term introduced by K. Fahlgren in "Die Gegensatze von sedaqa im Alten

Testament," in Um das Prinzip der Vergeltung in Religion and Recht des

alten Testaments, ed. K. Koch (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesell-




          However, Koch's view can be questioned on the basis of his limited

range of material, since he examines only Prov 25-29 on the assumption

that these chapters appear to be the oldest section of the book.49

          Koch's view of inseparable consequences has been criticized as going

too far.50 His claim is that retribution in the OT excludes the idea that God

from time to time steps into human history and acts as judge. Asserting

that there is no gap between act and consequence into which a wedge of

divine retribution can be inserted is essentially deism. This mechanistic

view of the world probably goes beyond credibility as an attempt to

reconstruct a subconscious world view.51

          Many can agree with Koch to a small extent, since there is an

undeniable correspondence between act and consequence for many

everyday activities.52 This is apparent in Prov 6:27-28:

                              Can a man carry fire in his lap

                    Without his clothes being burned?


schaft, 1972), 87-129.

          49 Koch, "Vergeltungsdogma," 2. But W. L. McKane takes virtually

all of ch. 28 and a large part of 29 as late because it derives from Yahwistic

piety, see his Proverbs: A New Approach, OTL (Philadelphia: Westminster,

1970) 620, 632. The point here is not to solve the problem of dating but to