seem to be discarding this academic loyalty to anthropology.

The basic cultural chronologies were worked out in most parts of Canada in the 1960s, at a time when archaeology was considerably more developed technically than it had been when cultural chronologies were established in the United States in the 1920s and 1930s. Canadian prehistoric archaeologists also faced the formidable task of studying a large, cold, and thinly populated country that in prehistoric times was inhabited by relatively low density, hunter-gatherer populations. As a result, regardless of their disciplinary origins, these archaeologists have shared a distinctive challenge and adopted a theoretical orientation that some U.S. archaeologists have recognized as distinctive (Binford 1989, 7).

Still, as funding has become increasingly the responsibility of provincial and local authorities, Canadian archaeology has been characterized by growing regional isolation. The publications and annual meetings of the Canadian Archaeological Association have not provided the common direction and unity of purpose that was once supplied by the National Museum. No comprehensive account of Canadian prehistory existed until the publication of the first volume of the Historical Atlas of Canada in 1987, and its prehistoric section was largely the work of archaeologists employed by the Archaeological Survey of Canada. Books synthesizing the whole of Canadian prehistory are only now being written. Lacking a firm center or a clear image of itself, Canadian archaeology often seems to be disintegrating into a number of marginal and rather ill-favored pieces of the North American cultural mosaic. Yet, as in other aspects of Canadian life, a shared approach may in the long run more than compensate for a lack of organization and common purpose.

Bruce G. Trigger

Acknowledgments

The author thanks Jane H. Kelley and David B. Burley for their comments.

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